Author Archives: Andreas R. Ziegler

Advocacy group says major social media platforms failing LGBTQ+ users

Advocacy group says major social media platforms failing LGBTQ+ users

Major social media platforms, including TikTok, Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter), are failing to adequately protect LGBTQ+ users from hate, harassment, and disinformation, according to the 2025 Social Media Safety Index released Tuesday by the LGBTQ+ advocacy group GLAAD.

The annual report’s fifth edition, which evaluates the performance of major platforms on 14 LGBTQ-specific safety indicators and remains the most comprehensive benchmark of LGBTQ+ safety across major digital platforms, warns that platforms are not only neglecting their responsibilities but, in some cases, have actively weakened existing safety protocols. GLAAD specifically cited Meta’s Instagram and Facebook, YouTube, and X for draconian policy reversals that enable the spread of anti-LGBTQ rhetoric and contribute to real-world harms.

In the report’s foreword, GLAAD president Sarah Kate Ellis said: “In many cases, platforms are inviting harm … They are prioritizing engagement and controversy over safety, especially for trans and nonbinary communities.”

TikTok received the highest score among evaluated platforms but still failed to provide full transparency or robust user control regarding LGBTQ content and privacy. X received the lowest score (just 30 out of 100) due to its reliance on self-reporting, limited policy enforcement, and lack of workforce diversity disclosures.

GLAAD emphasized that several companies rolled back policies that once protected LGBTQ+ users from targeted misgendering, deadnaming, and “conversion therapy” content. Meta, in particular, updated its “Hateful Conduct” policy to allow harmful rhetoric under the guise of political or religious expression, a move GLAAD condemned as “dangerous and dehumanizing.” YouTube also quietly removed “gender identity and expression” from its hate speech policy without public explanation.

The report underscored how such policy changes correlate with a documented rise in online hate and disinformation targeting LGBTQ+ individuals. GLAAD warned that these trends often lead to “offline consequences,” including violence and mental health impacts for marginalized users. The Index further found that legitimate LGBTQ+ content continues to be disproportionately suppressed through wrongful account removals, demonetization, and shadow-banning.

In response, GLAAD urged tech companies to restore and strengthen LGBTQ safety policies, improve moderator training across all languages and cultural contexts, and publish detailed enforcement and diversity data. The organization also called for collaboration with independent researchers to enhance transparency and accountability.

“Social media should be a space for connection and community, not a driver of discrimination,” Ellis said. “Platforms must act now to reverse course and prioritize the dignity, safety, and rights of LGBTQ people.”

With mounting attacks on LGBTQ+ human rights across the world, the LGBTQ+ community remains vulnerable. In April, Hungary’s National Assembly passed an amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary that bans LGBTQ+ public events. In February, Amnesty International denounced Tunisian authorities’ increased arrests of LGBTI individuals. The organization reported that at least 84 individuals, mostly gay men and transgender women, have been arrested since September 2024.

The post Advocacy group says major social media platforms failing LGBTQ+ users appeared first on JURIST – News.

Interesting Article: [Völkerrechtsblog] The UK Supreme Court’s Unworkable Sex Definitions in For Women Scotland

Interesting Article: [Völkerrechtsblog] The UK Supreme Court’s Unworkable Sex Definitions in For Women Scotland

14.05.2025 | by Manon Beury, Lena Holzer & Electra Zacharias
On 16 April 2025, the UK Supreme Court   in the case of For Women Scotland Ltd v. The Scottish Ministers that the term “woman” in the Equality Act 2010 refers to “biological sex” and thus excludes trans women. As many commentators have stated, this presents a major setback in rights protection and equality law doctrine, which pits trans women’s rights against cis women’s rights, presuming an inherent conflict between different groups of women who are all affected by patriarchy. [click here to see full article]

New recommendations from the German Ministry of the Interior on the passport and document system under immigration law make it easier for trans people without German citizenship to obtain suitable identity documents

New recommendations from the German Ministry of the Interior on the passport and document system under immigration law make it easier for trans people without German citizenship to obtain suitable identity documents

More: https://www.queer.de/detail.php?article_id=53506&pk_campaign=Nwsl

English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

The English Football Association on Thursday stated that transgender women will no longer be allowed to play women’s football in England, announcing a change in its policy following a ruling by the UK Supreme Court last month.

The Football Association’s new policy will take effect on June 1. The association stated: “This is a complex subject, and our position has always been that if there was a material change in law, science, or the operation of the policy in grassroots football then we would review it and change it if necessary.”

The policy update is a response to the UK Supreme Court’s ruling on April 16, 2025, which stated that the term “woman” under the Equality Act 2010 referred to biological sex. This excludes individuals who had legally changed their gender to female through a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). Transgender people remain protected on the grounds of gender reassignment under Section 4 of the Equality Act. Additionally, they may invoke the provisions on direct discrimination and harassment as well as indirect discrimination. The court stated that “a certificated sex reading is not required to give them those protections.”

The Supreme Court emphasized that the ruling was only interpreting the Equality Act, stating:

It is not the role of the court to adjudicate on the arguments in the public domain on the meaning of gender or sex, nor is it to define the meaning of the word “woman” other than when it is used in the provisions of the EA 2010. It has a more limited role which does not involve making policy.

The UK’s Sports Councils previously expressed concerns over the fairness of transgender inclusion in domestic sport. Other sporting organizations, such as British Rowing, had already excluded transgender athletes from competing in the women’s category before the Supreme Court’s ruling.

The charity Stonewall criticized the Football Association’s decision on Thursday. The organization stated:

Trans people remain protected under the law and need to be treated with dignity and respect – and this announcement lacks any detail on how those obligations will be honoured. Hasty decisions, without a full understanding of the practical implications and before any changes to guidance have gone through the necessary consultation and parliamentary process, isn’t the answer.

The post English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football appeared first on JURIST – News.

THE CHOREOGRAPHY OF VIOLENCE: HOW QUEER-FEMINIST STRUGGLES EXPOSE THE ARCHITECTURE OF CRISIS,12 May, 18:30-20:00 CEST Geneva Maison de la paix | Room S8

THE CHOREOGRAPHY OF VIOLENCE: HOW QUEER-FEMINIST STRUGGLES EXPOSE THE ARCHITECTURE OF CRISIS
12 May, 18:30-20:00 CEST Geneva Maison de la paix | Room S8
 
Register: https://www.graduateinstitute.ch/communications/events/choreography-violence-how-feminist-queer-struggles-expose-architecture-crisis
 
War crimes from Gaza to Lebanon and Sudan. The global resurgence of anti-LGBTQ+ and anti-feminist legislation. The tightening grip of border regimes, financial austerity, and corporate expansion. Across the world, we are witnessing not isolated crises but a synchronised choreography of violence, one in which militarised destruction, economic control, and moral repression move together, reinforcing each other in deliberate and strategic ways.   But why does violence against queer and feminist movements intensify alongside war and economic collapse? Why do sexual and gender panics flare up at the same moment states and corporations deepen repression and extraction? And how does the language of protection, morality, and security become a cover for systems of domination?   Bringing together scholars and activists, the Queer International Student Assembly (QISA), in collaboration with the Gender Centre and the Feminist Collective, is pleased to invite you to this seminar which serves as a soft launch for a larger forum in the fall, where we will continue these urgent discussions.   SPEAKERS Hossein Cheaito, PhD Researcher in Sociology and Anthropology, QISA co-president, Geneva Graduate Institute Aadarsh Gangwar, PhD Researcher in Sociology and Anthropology, Geneva Graduate Institute Paola Salwan Daher, Women Deliver.   The discussion will be moderated by Aditya Bharadwaj, Geneva Graduate Institute.

Trans people banned from toilets of gender they identify with, says UK minister

Trans people banned from toilets of gender they identify with, says UK minister

Pat McFadden says ‘there isn’t going to be toilet police’ amid warnings about ‘incredibly dangerous’ consequences

;ore: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2025/apr/27/trans-people-banned-from-toilets-of-gender-they-identify-with-says-uk-minister

Article by Fulvia Ristuccia: (de) la Tour fait le cavalier [Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki]

Article by Fulvia Ristuccia: (de) la Tour fait le cavalier [Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki]

On 3 April 2025, Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki, a case that further advances the path opened by Coman on the protection of rainbow families through the exercise of free movement and EU citizenship rights. The referring court demanded clarification on the recognition and transcription of same-sex marriage contracted in another Member State between two nationals of the State where recognition was sought.

The Opinion of AG de la Tour commendably advances the Coman trajectory by acknowledging that even EU Member States where same-sex marriage is not permitted must recognise a family bond lawfully established in another Member State – including for purposes beyond mere residence. Yet, akin to a knight’s leap in chess, the Opinion sidestepped the question of marriage transcription in civil status registry with a reasoning that does not seem entirely convincing. It insulates the national competence on civil status register from the reach of EU law, without a sound explanation, and is liable to create hurdles for LGBTIQA+ families seeking recognition.

Recognition of LGBTIQA+ rights beyond the right to move and reside

With Coman in 2018, the Court defined the term “spouse” in Article 2(2)(a) CRD as encompassing also same-sex married couples (Coman, para 35). Under that provision, the same-sex spouse of a Union citizen, lawfully married during genuine residence in another Member State, has a right to reside irrespective of whether the State of residence recognises same-sex marriage (Coman, para 36).

Coman constituted a first – crucial – step in the protection of LGBTIQA+ family rights through EU citizenship. Yet, as the Court stressed that the recognition of same-sex marriage is limited to the right to reside (Coman, para 40), it left many questions unanswered regarding the families’ rights for purposes beyond free movement (Tryfonidou and the Opinion of de la Tour himself in Mirin, para 96). The case Wojewoda Mazowiecki aimed at confronting the CJEU precisely with those issues.

Facts

Polish civil status authorities refused to transcribe the marriage certificate for a same-sex couple of Polish nationals (one of whom also with German nationality) married in Germany and residing in Poland. Since Polish law does not allow same-sex marriage, one of the spouses would be wrongly recorded under the heading “woman”. Moreover, according to the Polish authorities, registering such a marriage would be “contrary to fundamental principles of the Polish legal order”. Finally, in their view, refusal to register the marriage would not conflict with EU law, as the recognition was not being requested for the purposes of residence or passport issuance.

The referring court (the Polish Supreme Administrative Court), on appeal, asked the CJEU whether EU law (in particular Art. 20 and 21 TFEU, and Art. 7 and 21 EU Charter, and 2(2) CRD) preclude a Member State from refusing to recognize the marriage and transcribe it into the civil status registry, thus preventing the applicants from living under their marital status in their State.

The Opinion of AG de la Tour: one step ahead

The AG separated from the outset the question of recognition of the marriage from that of its transcription. Regarding the former, whilst Member States retain their competence on civil status, they have to exercise it in compliance with EU law and recognise the change of status legitimately occurred in the exercise of free movement under Article 21 TFEU (para 27).

The AG started by distinguishing the recognition of family ties (inter-personal status) from personal status (paras 28-30). Amendments to the latter, such as recognition of gender transition, must be transcribed in civil status records (Mirin para 57). Conversely, following Coman on same-sex marriage and Pancharevo on same-sex parenthood, Member States are required to recognise changes in inter-personal status, but only for purposes related to movement, residence, or the issuance of travel documents.

Going beyond the reasoning in those cases, the AG held that in situations falling within the scope of EU law – because the applicants exercised their right to free movement and lawfully got married in another Member State – the refusal to recognise that marriage constitutes a restriction to the rights under Article 21 TFEU (para 32). As in Coman, the applicants were invoking rights against their State of nationality in a circular migration context. However, unlike Coman, the issue at hand did not concern the definition of the term spouse and the residence right under the CRD applied by analogy, even though the CRD was referenced in the preliminary question. In fact, recognition of the marriage was not necessary for the right to reside since both applicants were Polish nationals. Rather, the question was whether a family bond, once lawfully established in another Member State, must be recognised and protected throughout the EU. The main concern, therefore, revolved around the right to return – based solely on Article 21 TFEU. For this right to be effective, it must include the ability to return to one’s Member State of origin after having genuinely exercised free movement (a point not addressed by the AG), and to live there with one’s family status fully recognised and protected.

Despite being anchored in Article 21 TFEU, the core of the case arguably lies in the effective safeguard of the right to family life under Article 7 EU Charter (para 33), extending beyond a free-movement-only solution, as the recognition of the effects of the marriage is not limited to residence or the issuance of travel documents. Commendably, the AG examined the potential violation of fundamental rights – more thoroughly than the free movement aspects – focusing on the lack of any form of legal recognition for same-sex families. This echoes the ECtHR’s ruling in Przybyszewska and Others v. Poland (para 35), where such non-recognition was deemed incompatible with the Convention.

Consequently, the AG concluded that where a Member State does not provide a specific legal framework for rainbow families – thereby denying individuals the right to autonomously determine a fundamental aspect of their private and family life – it must, under EU law, at least “establish appropriate procedures for the recognition of ties established in another Member State” through the exercise of free movement (para 36). Remarkably, mutual recognition seems to compensate for the absence of domestic protection or even the explicit prohibition of same-sex marriage. This suggests that Treaty rights may chart an alternative route to safeguard the fundamental rights of rainbow families when national avenues are barred (see, on Coman, Belavusau). Moreover, in line with Coman, such an obligation does not violate the national identity of the Member State (para 36), and it is submitted that it offers a balanced solution: fundamental rights are protected through EU citizenship without requiring the Member State to provide for same-sex marriage domestically.

Two steps sideways

On the transcription of marriage in civil status records, Wojewoda Mazowiecki seems to serve as a test case for the evolution witnessed in Mirin, where the Court held that Member States have a strict duty of mutual recognition and transcription in civil status records of a gender transition recognised in another Member State. The AG acknowledged the obligations stemming from that case but distinguished the transcription of changes to personal status (e.g., gender identity or name) from those regarding inter-personal status (e.g., marriage, parenthood). Regarding family ties, de la Tour followed the stance he had anticipated in Mirin: the transcription of changes to inter-personal status does not ensue automatically from the obligation of mutual recognition (Mirin, Opinion, paras. 87 and ff.).

This conclusion takes two steps sideways from the first part of the Opinion. First, it distinguishes between the recognition of the effects of a marriage and the obligation to transcribe it – the latter applying only to matters of personal identity, and not to inter-personal statuses (para 38). Second, the AG asserted that transcription is not required unless the recognition of the marriage’s effects would be ineffective without it. In Poland, the administrative practice is such that transcription is the only way of proving a marriage. Hence, to guarantee the effective enjoyment of the right to family life without undue administrative obstacles, Polish authorities must transcribe the marriage (para 45). However, this obligation does not apply to all Member States, provided that they foresee alternative mechanisms to secure the rights under Article 7 EU Charter and that the “formality” of transcription is not necessary for the marriage to be proven and produce legal effects (para 46).

This turn in the reasoning is not persuasive for several reasons. The distinction between the transcription of changes to personal identity and those relating to family status is difficult to sustain. In both cases, “serious inconveniences” may arise. Family ties are inherently linked to “the personal and the social identity of the applicants as homosexual people wishing to have their relationships as couples legitimised and protected by law” (para 35, referring to ECtHR case law on the lack of legal recognition of same-sex couples).

Moreover, the Opinion insufficiently explains the reasons for the strong insulation of national competence over the transcription of civil status – which the Opinion itself describes as a “formality” – in contrast to the recognition, prescribed by EU law, of the substantive effects of the same-sex marriage. While the AG read the scope of Member States’ obligations through the lens of their administrative procedural autonomy, he failed to acknowledge the unconvincing practical consequences of recognition without transcription. How would that work in practice? The alternatives proposed (para 54) – i.e. presenting the marriage certificate, which does not require legalisation, or allowing the spouses to use the same surname – are not as effective as transcription. Would individuals be expected to carry their marriage certificate – duly translated, one might imagine – in their wallet at all times? De la Tour overlooked the hurdles that the lack of transcription of inter-personal status would cause in the daily life of individuals, as well as in the exercise of their (fundamental) rights as a family.

Even considering the division of competences between the EU and the Member States, this part of the reasoning remains doubtful. Noting that the applicants sought recognition of their marriage to exercise domestic rights (para 43), the AG highlighted that civil status records fall within national “exclusive competence”. However, the recognition of the legal effects of marriage does not fall within the scope of EU competences either, and still, Member States must exercise their retained competences in compliance with EU law, and, as the AG held, recognise the same-sex marriage lawfully contracted in another Member State – beyond free movement purposes. Accordingly, it is unclear why transcription should be treated any differently?

The Opinion does not convincingly justify this differentiation, which creates significant obstacles to the effectiveness of EU citizens’ rights. In the AG’s view, a general obligation to transcribe the marital status would “move from an approach based on the principle of free movement of a Union citizen that is limited to his or her identity, to an approach based solely on the right to respect for his or her family life”, which would be “incorporated into the right of free movement and residence and would be detached from any derived right” (para 57). However, as the Court repeatedly stated, in the exercise of free movement, EU citizens have a right to lead a normal family life (Lounes, para 52 and Lazzerini). Accordingly, that right is already “incorporated” into free movement law. Leaving Member States a margin to decide which degree of administrative burden can they impose on LGBTIQA+ families seems like an unnecessary formal compensation for the substantive obligation to recognise the marriage.

The AG laudably relied on Member States’ international commitments under the ECHR to reinforce EU Charter rights that touch upon politically sensitive areas (Spaventa). Nevertheless, the fact that transcription falls within the States’ margin of appreciation under the Convention – and is therefore not mandated by the latter (paras 51-52) – is of limited relevance. Under Article 52(3) EU Charter, EU law can go beyond the ECHR protection (compare to para 53). Furthermore, the margin of appreciation doctrine, as developed by the ECtHR, is not entirely congruent in this context. Unlike Orlandi v Italy, the issue at hand is not about the duty to enact domestic reforms to introduce a legal framework on same-sex marriage or partnership. Rather, the present situation concerns the obligation to recognise a family bond lawfully established in another Member State and ease the administrative burdens to ensure effective protection of the applicants’ rights, particularly non-discrimination and respect for family life (on the different nature of those obligations, see Nic Shuibhne and Bacic). Such a duty is grounded in EU citizenship and the logic of mutual recognition, which may simultaneously require more – such as recognition and transcription – and less – by not imposing domestic reforms – than what is demanded under the ECHR.

Conclusion

Overall, the Opinion seeks to find a balance between the different interests at stake: the fundamental rights of the applicants – and of the many families in similar circumstances – the politically sensitive concerns of certain Member States, and, ultimately, the division of competences between the EU and its Member States. Despite taking a step ahead in a fundamental-rights-oriented direction regarding the recognition of same-sex marriage beyond the free movement purposes, de la Tour chose a rather cautious and unconvincing approach to transcription. By holding that the latter is not required under EU law unless recognition would be ineffective without it, the AG shifted laterally, evading challenging questions with significant practical and fundamental rights implications for individuals.

The post (de) la Tour fait le cavalier appeared first on Verfassungsblog.

Greek Court Overturns Policy Allowing Blood Donation from MSM

Greek Court Overturns Policy Allowing Blood Donation from MSM

April 08, 2025

Greece’s top administrative court has overturned a 2022 decree from the Ministry of Health that removed sexual orientation questions from the country’s donor history questionnaire, the Greek newspaper Kathimerini reported April 5. Prior to the ministerial decree, gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men (MSM) had been permanently deferred from blood donation since 1977. 

In its decision, the Council of State ruled that the change bypassed expert recommendations and lacked a supporting scientific study. The court also found that the ministry disregarded earlier guidance from two advisory panels, which advocated for time-based deferral periods. The Ministry of Health must now reevaluate the policy to ensure it aligns with both scientific evidence and constitutional protections, according to the report.

See: https://www.aabb.org/news-resources/news/article/2025/04/08/greek-court-overturns-policy-allowing-blood-donation-from-msm

UN Commission on Ukraine accuses Russia of enforced disappearances, sexual assault against men and women, torture, and executing POWs (The Insider)

UN Commission on Ukraine accuses Russia of enforced disappearances, sexual assault against men and women, torture, and executing POWs (The Insider)

March 20, 2025

On March 19, Erik Møse, Chair of the UN’s Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, presented a report on crimes committed by the Russian military during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The commission interviewed almost 1,800 individuals, including victims and witnesses of the violations and crimes described.

Among its key findings was the conclusion that the armed conflict has resulted in over 12,000 civilian deaths and more than 29,000 injuries among civilians in Ukraine. The report also noted that Russian forces have also detained large numbers of civilians in all occupied regions of Ukraine, targeting local officials, civil servants, journalists, and others perceived as threats to their military objectives. Many prisoners of war were also subjected to enforced disappearances.

“These crimes were carried out as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population, in all provinces of Ukraine where areas came under Russian control, and in the Russian Federation,” Møse explained.

“The victims were often transferred to detention facilities in Russian-occupied areas in Ukraine or deported to the Russian Federation. In these detention facilities, they were subjected to other grave violations and crimes, including torture and sexual violence. Many persons have been missing for months, or years. Some have died. The fate and whereabouts of many remain unknown, leaving their families in agonizing uncertainty,” he added in a press release issued after the presentation to the UNHRC.

The commission concluded that the “enforced disappearances against civilians were perpetrated pursuant to a coordinated state policy and amount to crimes against humanity.”

FSB officers regularly used torture or ordered its use. “Personnel of the Federal Security Service exercised the highest authority when present in detention facilities. They committed or ordered torture during various stages of detentions, and in particular during interrogations, when some of the most brutal treatment was inflicted,” explained Vrinda Grover, another member of the commission.

Russian authorities systematically committed sexual violence as a form of torture against detainees. The majority of victims were men — but the commission has now documented new cases of rape and sexual violence, used as forms of torture against female detainees, who were subjected to humiliating and degrading treatment. “Some women were raped during interrogation as a means to coerce, intimidate or punish them; others were subjected to forced nudity in the presence of male guards. This illustrates the gendered dimension of sexual violence in detention,” Møse continued. “A victim of rape told the Commission, ‘I can’t describe all of it… Those drunk, stinking men, tearing my clothes, treating me like I was a rubber doll… It was unbearable.’”

“A civilian woman who had been raped during confinement in a detention facility held by Russian authorities, stated that she pleaded with the perpetrators, telling them she could be their mother’s age, but they dismissed her, saying, ‘B*tch, don’t even compare yourself to my mother. You are not even a human. You do not deserve to live.’

We have concluded that Russian authorities committed the war crimes of rape and sexual violence as a form of torture,” Grover concluded.

The commission also investigated the growing number of incidents involving the killing or wounding by Russian forces of Ukrainian soldiers who had been captured or were attempting to surrender — a war crime. Some soldiers reported hearing orders not to take prisoners, but to kill them instead. For instance, a Russian deserter who spoke to the commission recounted hearing a battalion commander say: “We don’t take prisoners. Those Nazis should not be taken in captivity, they should be killed.”

The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine is a United Nations-mandated body established by the UN Human Rights Council in March 2022 — shortly after the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

It is tasked with gathering evidence on crimes committed in Ukraine, identifying responsible parties, and assessing whether these crimes amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide. Its findings can be used in legal proceedings and could serve as evidence for future war crimes trials — including at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Source: https://theins.press/en/news/279811