Tag Archives: gender

Kazakhstan approves amendments restricting discussion of LGBTQ+ issues

Kazakhstan approves amendments restricting discussion of LGBTQ+ issues

The Parliament of Kazakhstan on Wednesday approved a proposal to ban propaganda of “non-traditional sexual orientation”, despite serious concerns raised by several human rights organizations over its implications for LGBTQ+ rights.

The draft law “On Amendments and Supplements to Certain Legislative Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan on Archival Matters” proposes mandatory labeling of materials containing LGBTQ+ topics. Propaganda of non-traditional sexual orientation would constitute an administrative offence with sanctions including a fine and even 10 days of administrative arrest for repeated offences. According to a report of Human Rights Watch (HRW), the proposal will enable authorities to suspend access to digital means without a court order. The law has now been forwarded to the Senate and will require the president’s signature to take effect.

Several human rights organizations have voiced their disapproval of the bill. Seven international human rights organizations, including HRW and the Eurasian Coalition on Health, Rights, Gender and Sexual Diversity (ECOM), urged Parliament on Tuesday to reject the bill. According to the organizations, the proposal increases the vulnerability of the LGBTQ+ community in Kazakhstan and violates its obligations under international law. Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) protects the right to freedom of expression and to receive information. Article 26 ICCPR is also at risk, protecting the right to equality before the law and prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

Yelnur Beisenbayev, head of the ruling Amanat Party praised the endorsement of the amendments. Beisenbayev argued that the proposal aims at protecting the safety and mental health of children. Member of Parliament, Nikita Shatalov, said Kazakhstan is adhering to Article 17 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) as it “obliges states to take measures to protect children from information and materials harmful to their well-being.” Rights organizations oppose this claim. ECOM said, “Restricting access for adolescents and youth to accurate information on sexual orientation and gender identity violates these provisions [Article 17 CRC] and impedes the realization of the right to education and health.”

This year, Kazakhstan was urged to implement the recommendations of the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review, which include abolishing discriminatory provisions based on sexual orientation and gender identity, and protecting the freedom of expression of the LGBTQ+ community.

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45 UN experts renew call for gender centered approach to reach human rights goals

45 UN experts renew call for gender centered approach to reach human rights goals

45 UN human rights experts reaffirmed on Thursday that gender must remain central to the fight for equality and human rights worldwide.

The statement was signed by UN special procedure mandate holders from various countries, jointly emphasizing that “binary conceptions of sex” result in an incomplete picture of the “social and cultural factors that shape identity and lived experience.” Thus, the experts urge that “[g]ender-based discrimination must be addressed alongside sex-based discrimination.”

According to the experts, employing a gender-based perspective advances human rights and equality goals due to a more comprehensive appreciation of how “roles, expectations, and hierarchies manifest in education, health, culture, at the workplace or with respect to social, economic, and political opportunities.” As such, the experts call on states and other stakeholders to reaffirm their commitment to gender equality and integration of a gender-based practice in international law. This call is consistent with the goals and objectives outlined in the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goal 5 on gender equality.

The value of recognizing intersectional forms of discrimination, including those based on sexual orientation and gender identity, was also supported by the work of the Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI). The current Independent Expert mandate is held by South African scholar Graeme Reid and was recently renewed by the UN Human Rights Council.

The UN experts’ statement comes amidst issues of gender-based discrimination across borders. In mid-July, the UN highlighted persistent gender gaps in sports, calling on member states to address gender inequalities. More specifically, in the US, several states, including Tennessee and Oklahoma, have made efforts to ban gender-affirming care for minors. Meanwhile, the UN also recently condemned the Taliban’s “gender apartheid” in Afghanistan, urging that dismantling these barriers is key to reaching gender equality.

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Interesting Article – Repost: Sarah Ouředníčková, A Door Opened, But Not Fully (Verfassungsblog 17.6.2025) [ECtHR, T.H. v. the Czech Republic – sterilisation as a precondition for legal gender recognition]

Interesting Article – Repost: Sarah Ouředníčková, A Door Opened, But Not Fully (Verfassungsblog 17.6.2025) [ECtHR, T.H. v. the Czech Republic – sterilisation as a precondition for legal gender recognition]

On 12 June 2025, the European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment in T.H. v. the Czech Republic, a case brought by a non-binary person, finding a violation of Article 8 of the Convention for requiring sterilisation as a precondition for legal gender recognition. Legally, the Court walked a familiar path, citing its established case law and reasserting well-known principles. But this case marked an unspoken first: it involved a non-binary applicant. While the applicant’s identity was acknowledged in passing, the Court quickly reframed the claim in binary terms, referred to the applicant using masculine pronouns, and declined to engage with the broader questions of inhuman and degrading treatment or discrimination. The result is thus a mixed outcome: the judgment opens a legal door but offers little warmth to those standing outside the traditional gender binary.

Who’s knocking on Strasbourg’s door?

T.H. is a non-binary person, assigned male at birth, but having struggled considerably with their gender identity from their early age (for a more detailed introduction see our previous post on the underlying decision by the Czech Constitutional Court (CCC)). As the ECtHR noted, T.H. has undergone “hormonal treatment (to reduce testosterone levels) and some body aesthetic procedures” (§ 7) but has never undertaken a sex reassignment surgery. Therefore, the Czech authorities register and treat T.H. as a man. That is reflected inter alia in T.H.’s personal numerical code, also known as “birth number”, which has the male form.

This explains the procedural strategy: T.H. had approached Czech administrative authorities with a request to change the birth number to a “neutral” (which, admittedly, does not exist in Czechia) or at least a “female” form so that this unique identifier would not present T.H. as a male person and would not require a repeated coming-out in everyday situations where T.H.’s documents did not match T.H.’s appearance. And while the CCC presented the case as a technical litigation “about birth numbers”, this case really concerns much deeper issues, including dignity and recognition of persons belonging to minorities.

What did the Court say?

The ECtHR found unanimously (and unsurprisingly) that the Czech requirement of undergoing surgery and sterilisation as a condition for legal gender recognition violates the right to respect for private life under Article 8. The Court reaffirmed that such a requirement imposes on certain persons “an insoluble dilemma”: it forces them to choose between preserving their physical integrity and gaining legal recognition of their gender identity (§ 58; see also X and Y v. Romania, § 165). The judges considered that while States enjoy a margin of appreciation in this morally sensitive area, that margin narrows considerably when fundamental aspects of personal identity and autonomy are at stake. However, the Court declined to examine the applicant’s complaints under Articles 3 and 14, holding that the violation of Article 8 sufficed. It also refused to award any compensation for non-pecuniary harm, stating that the finding of a violation was itself sufficient. Only a partial reimbursement of legal costs was granted.

Misgendering as a fundamental form of disrespect

In a case centred on recognition, language is paramount. The Court acknowledges that T.H. identifies as non-binary (§ 6) and has requested to have their male unique identifier changed to, preferably, a neutral one or, at least, a female one (§ 7). However, the Court proceeds to use masculine pronouns throughout the judgment. It justifies this by stating that

“on the date of lodging of the application, the applicant was regarded for civil-law purposes as belonging to the male sex. For that reason, the masculine form is used in referring to him; however, this cannot be construed as excluding him from the gender with which he identifies.” (§ 4)

This misstep undermines the very dignity the Court ought to uphold. Even as the judgment affirms a right, its tone betrays a missed opportunity for respect.

First, pronouns are a crucial way of identifying with a gender for anybody and of affirming their gender identity. The use of preferred pronouns, including by judges, has a fundamental importance for the recognition particularly of trans and non-binary persons. Scholars such as Rosalind Dixon have emphasised the importance of the language used by judges for a sense of dignity and respect on the part of applicants. Similarly, Sarah Ganty has shown how the language and narratives used by judges – as (meta)narrators – can become part of the cultural processes reproducing (or tackling) inequalities. At the same time, the use of preferred pronouns does not prejudge the merits of the claim as to whether one’s gender should be recognised, as noted by dissenting Judge Šimáčková in the first Transgender Judgment of the CCC. In other words, by using the applicants’ preferred pronouns, nothing is lost but much is won in terms of respect.

Secondly, the justification of using pronouns based on the legal sex/gender of the person at the time of lodging the application is inconsistent with the Court’s usual approach of addressing trans applicants in accordance with their gender identity. It is true that the Court has sometimes used the pronouns according to the officially registered sex/gender including in the key case of A. P., Garçon and Nicot v. France which also dealt with the refusal to recognise gender without undergoing gender reassignment surgery and which the applicant in T.H. relied on. However, the Court usually uses the preferred pronouns, including in its other key cases such as Goodwin v. UK, as well as more recent cases dealing with the refusal to recognise gender without undergoing surgery such as the 2021 case of X and Y v. Romania or the 2022 case of A .D. and Others v. Georgia. The Court’s refusal to use the applicant’s pronouns in T.H. is thus a surprising and unwelcome setback.

Finally, the Court’s refusal to use the applicant’s preferred pronouns is even more surprising and disrespectful given that the Court used feminine pronouns when first communicating the case. Interestingly, even the Government consistently used feminine pronouns in its communication with other institutions, which makes the Court’s choice absurd. The Government continued to use feminine pronouns even in its press release about the judgment. In a rare reversal of roles, the respondent State has thus appeared more attuned to the lived identity of the applicant than the Court itself.

Vital avenues left unexplored

Focusing exclusively on Article 8 while ignoring potential violations of Articles 3 and 14 significantly narrows the judgment’s reach and we consider it a missed opportunity. Article 14, in particular, could have grounded a stronger, intersectional judgment addressing gender-based discrimination.

The Court noted that while the applicant relied on more provisions, it was up to the Court – as the “master of the characterisation” – to decide under which Article(s) a complaint is to be examined (§ 46). It argued that since the applicant had not been subjected to any medical intervention against their will or any interference with their reproductive rights as well as “the nature of the proceedings brought by him before the domestic authorities and to the approach taken by it in similar cases”, referring to A.P., Garçon and Nicot and X and Y v. Romania, the complaint falls to be examined solely under Article 8. However, in Garçon, the situation was different in that only one of the three applicants had raised Article 3 (see dissenting opinion in Garçon, § 3 and 21). Moreover, Article 3 was still relied upon by the Court in its reasoning. The Court established that mandatory gender reassignment surgery affects “an individual’s physical integrity, which is protected by Article 3” as well as Article 8 (§ 127) and results in “making the full exercise of their right to respect for their private life under Article 8 of the Convention conditional on their relinquishing full exercise of their right to respect for their physical integrity as protected by that provision and also by Article 3 of the Convention” (§ 131).

We do understand that the applicant in T.H. had not been subjected to forced sterilisation. However, the very fact that access to legal gender recognition remained contingent upon such a procedure arguably created a form of coercive pressure. In its Guide on Article 3, the Court states

“that a threat of torture can also amount to torture, as the nature of torture covers both physical pain and mental suffering. In particular, the fear of physical torture itself may in certain circumstances constitute mental torture” (p. 8).

It is worth asking whether a person must actually undergo inhuman or degrading treatment in order for the Court to assess the situation under Article 3, if such a condition is not applied regarding torture under the same article. Instead, the Court should have fully examined the complaint under Article 3, given the severity of the required medical intervention including involuntary sterilisation; an intervention that is far from hypothetical for persons such as T.H. By refusing to engage Article 3, the Court missed the chance to affirm what the UN Special Rapporteur and others have made clear: forcing trans persons to choose between recognition and sterilisation is not just privacy infringement; it is inhumane.

Furthermore, the Court held there is no need to examine the complaint under Article 14 since it had found a violation under Article 8 (§ 62). This is the Court’s typical approach of sidelining Article 14 as a Cinderella provision and shying away from developing an equality and anti-discrimination jurisprudence. However, explicitly condemning discrimination can have powerful implications for oppressed and marginalised individuals. As in other trans rights cases, the Court opted for the safer terrain of individual privacy and self-determination, rather than confronting the structural discrimination that Article 14 is designed to expose. On the contrary, we have witnessed a mirrored attitude in Semenya v. Switzerland, a key Grand Chamber case about a famous South African professional athlete who had been forced to hormonally decrease her natural testosterone levels in order to compete in the female category. In Semenya v. Switzerland, the Court found a violation of Article 14 in connection with Article 8 while concluding that there was no need to examine separately the complaints under Article 8 alone.

A violation without remedy…

The refusal to grant compensation – despite acknowledging a violation – risks signalling that the harm endured is not materially recognised. This undermines the applicant’s lived experience and may discourage future litigation from marginalised groups. A violation without remedy rings hollow, especially for those already on the legal margins. Symbols matter.

…and with no legislative reform in sight

In a different case decided last spring, the CCC concluded that the sterilisation requirement was unconstitutional, quashed the respective legislative provisions with effect from 1 July 2025 and set a clear deadline for legislative reform by the end of June 2025. A draft law was circulated but has been criticised for introducing burdensome and medically unnecessary conditions, such as mandatory psychiatric assessments, hormone therapy, and a year-long waiting period. Even more troubling is the political inertia surrounding the bill. The Ministries of Justice, Health, and the Interior have each shifted responsibility to the others, resulting in a bureaucratic stalemate.

Thus, no legislation has been adopted – and with just two weeks remaining, none is realistically expected before the deadline expires. That means that although the sterilisation requirement will cease to apply as of July 2025 (as a consequence of the abovementioned CCC ruling), the legal framework for gender recognition will remain ambiguous and unregulated at statutory level. Ministerial guidelines might be issued at the last minute, but such measures lack the democratic legitimacy of legislation and can be easily altered to reflect shifts in political will. This looming legal vacuum – a situation the ECtHR was aware of (§ 26) – raises serious concerns for legal certainty.

A partial step forward

The judgment in T.H. represents a partial but important step in the ongoing development of the ECtHR’s jurisprudence on legal gender recognition. It reaffirms that requiring sterilisation as a condition for the recognition of one’s gender identity is incompatible with Article 8. It also emphasises the importance of judicial dialogue (§ 59), inviting national constitutional courts to share the responsibility for European human rights protection. However, the Court’s reasoning remains narrowly framed. By misgendering the applicant, reframing the case within a binary framework, and declining to engage with the potential implications under Articles 3 and 14, the Court missed an opportunity to address what the case was really about.

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Hong Kong court rules sex-segregated public conveniences breach equality and privacy rights

Hong Kong court rules sex-segregated public conveniences breach equality and privacy rights

A Hong Kong court ruled Wednesday that the segregation of the sexes in public conveniences is unconstitutional for its disproportionate interference with transgender individuals’ right to privacy and equality. Judge Russell Coleman directed the government to review its regulations on the gender recognition scheme relating to access to public conveniences within 12 months.

The government conceded that the segregation by biological sex at birth is unconstitutional after the city’s top court ruling on another gender marker case. The only dispute that remained standing was whether the court could adopt a proper remedial construction to the statute.

Senior Counsel Tim Parker for the applicant argued that the law should recognize the real-life experience of a transgender individual and allow them, whose real-life experience is certified by a psychiatrist through a gender identity letter, to use washrooms conforming to their identified gender. Judge Coleman rejected this proposition, ruling that the government and the legislature, rather than the court, are in a better position to draw the line between male and female at law.

Judge Coleman also rejected the government’s proposal to recognize the gender marker on the individual’s HKID card for the purpose of accessing a public convenience. He reasoned that the proposal risks conflating the government’s policy with the law. He further reiterated that the gender marker on the HKID card is not conclusive on the legal recognition of a person’s gender and the associated rights under the law.

The judicial review concerns a criminal offense under the Public Conveniences (Conduct and Behaviour) Regulation, which prohibits any individuals from using opposite-sex public washrooms. In January 2023, the applicant challenged that the segregation based on biological sex at birth infringed on transgender individuals’ rights to equality and privacy.

Local transgender advocacy group Quarks welcomed the ruling. In a statement, the group urges the government to abolish the discriminatory statute and legislate for gender recognition.

In February 2023, the city’s top court ruled in another case that the requirement for full sex re-assignment surgery to alter gender marker on HKID card is unconstitutional. The court held that requiring transgender individuals to undergo the most invasive surgical intervention was disproportionate because it may not be medically necessary in the range of treatments for gender dysphoria.

In April 2024, the government revised its policy to allow pre-operative transgender individuals to change their sex entry. Nonetheless, the policy still requires the applicants to have received hormonal treatment for two years and submit blood test reports when required to have their identified gender reflected on their HKID card.

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USA: Supreme Court upholds Tennessee’s law banning gender-affirming care for youth

USA: Supreme Court upholds Tennessee’s law banning gender-affirming care for youth

POLICY NEWS       Supreme Court upholds Tennessee’s law banning gender-affirming care for youth   Today, the Supreme Court upheld Tennessee’s law banning access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth. Williams Institute research shows that an estimated 1.6 million people ages 13 and older in the U.S. identify as transgender. The decision impacts the 112,400 transgender youth ages 13-17 who live in Tennessee and 24 other states that have similar laws banning access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth.     While impacting thousands of transgender youth and their families, the decision does not affect access to care for the youth living in states that do not ban access to hormones and puberty blockers. Many of these states have shield laws that protect access to care for youth and their families and safeguard providers who offer care. These states could offer access to care for transgender youth living in states with bans who can travel to them. Research shows that these bans deny young people access to care endorsed by every major medical association in the U.S. and negatively impact providers. In response to a recent Williams Institute survey, 29% of providers in states without bans reported that they had received threats to their workplace related to the provision of gender-affirming care, and 26% had been personally threatened online. Over half (55%) of providers have experienced a recent increased demand for care among youth, and many reported long waitlists. Today’s decision upholds state laws that ban access to gender-affirming care for youth. However, it was decided on narrow grounds, which leaves open avenues to legally challenge other laws and policies that limit transgender people’s participation in areas such as the military, education, and health care.   For example, the majority opinion leaves open the question of whether sufficient evidence of animus toward transgender people by the government could result in a different outcome. It also did not determine whether classifications based on transgender status are entitled to heightened scrutiny, allowing Equal Protection challenges to other forms of discrimination against transgender people to proceed. The Court’s decision extends only to laws that implicate both minors and medical care. The opinion also doesn’t impact other constitutional arguments, including the fundamental rights of parents to make decisions about their children’s medical care, the responsibility to protect incarcerated transgender people, or the First Amendment rights to obtaining a valid passport and fully participating in public education. Additionally, Justice Alito stated in his concurring opinion that Bostock is now “entitled to the staunch protection we give statutory interpretation decisions,” so any efforts to overturn workplace nondiscrimination protections for transgender people are likely to fail. Notably, the Justices’ written opinions depart from language used in executive actions by the Trump administration, which denies the existence of transgender people or portrays them as trying to commit fraud in the military context. In its first sentence, the majority opinion cites the Williams Institute’s estimate of the transgender population and includes references that use respectful language, an marked departure from the administration’s rhetoric regarding transgender people.  “Today’s decision will directly impact the health care decisions of thousands of transgender youth and their families,” said Christy Mallory, Interim Executive Director and Legal Director at the Williams Institute. “But based on research and the personal stories of transgender people, the Supreme Court affirmed that transgender people of all ages exist, they have experienced discrimination, and constitutional and other legal arguments remain available to challenge such discrimination.”   Rectangle: Rounded Corners: Read the Decision
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The Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law is an academic research institute dedicated to conducting rigorous, independent research on sexual orientation and gender identity law and public policy.

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The US Supreme Court issued an opinion on Wednesday upholding a 2023 Tennessee law restricting minors’ access to gender affirming care in the state.

The 2023 Tennessee law, SB1, prohibits medical procedures that alter a minor’s hormonal balance, remove a minor’s sex organs, or otherwise change a minor’s physical appearance when undergone with purpose of enabling a minor to identify with an identity inconsistent with the minor’s sex, or treating discomfort from discordance between the minor’s assigned sex and asserted identity. The law emphasizes that it only prohibits the medical procedures when the purpose is for gender-affirming reasons.

Shortly before the law was supposed to take effect in 2023, three Tennessee families who have transgender children and one physician brought suit against the state of Tennessee. The plaintiffs argued that the Tennessee law violated their equal protection rights under the Fourteenth Amendment because the law classifies on the basis of sex and discriminates against transgender persons. The Biden Administration ended up joining the plaintiffs in their action, and the case later became known as US v. Skrmetti.

A district court originally blocked the law, calling it unconstitutional, but in a tight decision, the US Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit reversed, allowing the law to become effective as proceedings continued. The Supreme Court approved the plaintiff’s writ of certiorari and, in a 6-3 decision, upheld the law. Chief Justice John Roberts’ majority opinion, which is joined in or concurred with by all of the conservative justices, states that the Court has decided this law sets age- and use-based limits on medical care and exercises the states’ authority to regulate medicine. Therefore, this law must be reviewed under rational basis review, which passes.

Chief Justice Roberts concludes his opinion with a statement on the Supreme Court’s role in policy debates in the US:

The voices in these debates raise sincere concerns; the implications for all are profound. The Equal Protection Clause does not resolve these disagreements. Nor does it afford us license to decide them as we see best. Our role is not “to judge the wisdom, fairness, or logic” of the law before us, but only to ensure that it does not violate the equal protection guarantee of the Fourteenth Amendment. Having concluded it does not, we leave questions regarding its policy to the people, their elected representatives, and the democratic process.

In a dissent joined by the other two liberal justices, Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, Justice Sonia Sotomayor writes that she wholly disagrees with the majority’s use of rational basis review to analyze this law. She states this law discriminates against transgender adolescents and should have been held to intermediate scrutiny for this reason. Justice Sotomayor warns of the dangers that leaving the rights of transgender persons in the hands of a “political whim.”

The decision comes amid the strongly polarized debate over transgender rights in the US after multiple states have enacted similar laws to SB1 and laws relating to the restriction of transgender athletes’ participation in women’s sports.

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English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

The English Football Association on Thursday stated that transgender women will no longer be allowed to play women’s football in England, announcing a change in its policy following a ruling by the UK Supreme Court last month.

The Football Association’s new policy will take effect on June 1. The association stated: “This is a complex subject, and our position has always been that if there was a material change in law, science, or the operation of the policy in grassroots football then we would review it and change it if necessary.”

The policy update is a response to the UK Supreme Court’s ruling on April 16, 2025, which stated that the term “woman” under the Equality Act 2010 referred to biological sex. This excludes individuals who had legally changed their gender to female through a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). Transgender people remain protected on the grounds of gender reassignment under Section 4 of the Equality Act. Additionally, they may invoke the provisions on direct discrimination and harassment as well as indirect discrimination. The court stated that “a certificated sex reading is not required to give them those protections.”

The Supreme Court emphasized that the ruling was only interpreting the Equality Act, stating:

It is not the role of the court to adjudicate on the arguments in the public domain on the meaning of gender or sex, nor is it to define the meaning of the word “woman” other than when it is used in the provisions of the EA 2010. It has a more limited role which does not involve making policy.

The UK’s Sports Councils previously expressed concerns over the fairness of transgender inclusion in domestic sport. Other sporting organizations, such as British Rowing, had already excluded transgender athletes from competing in the women’s category before the Supreme Court’s ruling.

The charity Stonewall criticized the Football Association’s decision on Thursday. The organization stated:

Trans people remain protected under the law and need to be treated with dignity and respect – and this announcement lacks any detail on how those obligations will be honoured. Hasty decisions, without a full understanding of the practical implications and before any changes to guidance have gone through the necessary consultation and parliamentary process, isn’t the answer.

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Article by Sarthak Gupta: Back to Binary Basics [UK]

Article by Sarthak Gupta: Back to Binary Basics [UK]

On April 16 2025, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (Supreme Court) delivered its decision on a fundamental question regarding the interpretation of the terms “sex” and “woman” under the Equality Act 2010 (EA) i.e., whether the EA includes trans women with a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC) issued under the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA). The Court unanimously held that, under the EA, the meaning of the word “woman” must be restricted to “biological” women, and does not include trans women, even those who have legally changed their gender under the GRA. The decision risks undermining the UK’s equality law framework and marks a troubling regression in gender rights.

Women’s rights v. transgender rights

For Women Scotland (FWS), an organisation purporting to act for women’s rights, initiated this case as their second judicial review, challenging statutory guidance issued under Section 7 of the Gender Representation on Public Boards (Scotland) Act 2018. The 2018 Act set a gender representation objective of 50% women in non-executive posts on Scottish public authority boards. Section 2 defines “woman” to include persons with the protected characteristic of gender reassignment who were “living as a woman” and undergoing transition processes. In their first judicial review, FWS successfully challenged this definition, with the Inner House ruling on February 18, 2022, that “transgender women” is not a protected characteristic under the EA and that the definition “impinges on the nature of protected characteristics, which is a reserved matter.” The Court declared the definition outside the Scottish Parliament’s legislative competence (paras. 15-18).

In response, the Scottish Ministers issued revised guidance on April 19, 2022, which operated on the premise that the Court had nullified the statutory definition of “woman”. The new guidance stated that under Sections 11 and 212(1) of the EA, and per Section 9(1) of the GRA, women with full GRC would count as women toward the Act’s 50% representation objective. The Scottish Government based this position on the notion that a trans woman with a full GRC has changed her sex in law from male to female (paras. 19-23). FWS then petitioned for judicial review in July 2022, arguing this revised guidance was unlawful and beyond devolved competence under Section 54 of the Scotland Act 1998 (paras. 21-22).

This raised the central legal question whether references to “sex”, “woman”, and “female” in the EA should be interpreted in light of Section 9 of the GRA 2004 to include women with a GRC. The case specifically addressed only the status of the small minority of trans individuals with full GRC(s) (approximately 8,464 people out of 96,000 trans people in England and Wales and 19,990 trans people in Scotland), whose sex remains in law their biological sex. In the later decision by the Outer House of the Court of Session, on December 13, 2022,  Lady Haldane had dismissed FWS’s petition, holding that Section 9 of the GRA 2004 could scarcely be clearer in changing a person’s sex for all purposes, and that the EA was “drafted in full awareness of the 2004 Act” (para. 27). The Second Division of the Inner House subsequently refused FWS’s appeal, confirming that a person with a GRC “acquires the opposite gender for all purposes” unless specific exceptions apply, and that persons with GRCs possess the protected characteristic of sex according to their GRC as well as gender reassignment (paras. 28-29).

Decoding the UK Supreme Court’s decision

The Supreme Court allowed the second judicial review and held that “sex” (and related terms) in the EA meant a binary idea of “biological sex”. The Court reiterated that under Section 9(1) of the GRA 2004, the acquired gender of a person with a GRC is recognised “for all purposes”, unless an exception under Section 9(3) applies. Section 9(3) provides that this rule does not apply where another enactment (like the EA) has made a specific “provision” that displaces this effect. The Court emphasised that such displacement does not need to be explicit or by necessary implication – contextual and purposive analysis may also suffice (para. 156).

The Court held that the terms “sex” and “woman” in the EA are to be interpreted as referring only to “biological” sex and “biological” women. To determine the intended meaning of “sex” and “woman” in the EA, the Court undertook a comprehensive analysis of its structure and purpose. It stressed the importance of predictability, clarity, and workability in equality law, which is grounded in group-based rights tied to shared experiences and biological realities (paras. 153-154, 171-172). The Court reasoned that many provisions in the EA 2010 – such as those dealing with pregnancy, maternity, breast-feeding, and health and safety exemptions – could only be coherently interpreted by reference to biological sex, since only biological women can become pregnant or give birth (paras. 177-188). It is crucial to note that the Court’s analysis was not confined to sections of the EA closely tied to reproduction, but explicitly recognised that single-sex spaces and women’s sports – such as toilets, changing rooms, hospital wards, and sports clubs – will function properly only if “sex” is interpreted as biological sex, with the judgment expected to have far-reaching consequences in these areas (para. 235).

The Court firmly rejected the Scottish Ministers’ argument for a context-dependent or variable definition of “woman” that could accommodate trans as well as cis women within some provisions of the EA (para. 190). It held that allowing different meanings of “woman” in different parts of the EA would violate the “principle of legal certainty” and undermine the statute’s consistency (paras. 191-192, 195). It also dismissed the claim that excluding trans women from the sex-based definition would deprive them of legal protection since trans people are already protected under the separate characteristic of gender reassignment in Section 7 of the EA (para. 198-201).

The Court also considered the practical and legal implications of accepting a certified sex definition. It pointed out that most individuals with the protected characteristic of gender reassignment do not have a GRC, and there is no outward means for duty-bearers (like employers or service providers) to know who does based on appearance. This would make the law extremely difficult to apply and could result in de facto self-identification, thereby undermining women-only spaces and protections (para. 203). For example, services like rape crisis centres, women’s shelters, or single-sex schools would no longer be able to operate meaningfully as women-only services if legal “sex” included trans women (paras. 211-218, 226-228).

Parliament said “all purposes”, Supreme Court said “well, actually…”

The Supreme Court’s decision marks a critical shift in the legal framework governing gender and sex-based rights in the UK. First, it challenges Parliament’s intention in the GRA by limiting the scope of legal recognition for transgender individuals with GRCs, contradicting the “for all purposes” provision and creating legal incoherence. Second, the ruling significantly diminishes the practical value of GRCs by establishing that they do not extend to the definition of “woman” or “man” under the EA, where “biological sex” is considered the statutory meaning, leading to a fragmented legal landscape and policy revisions by public bodies. Third, the Court’s narrow interpretation of “sex” as strictly biological fails to account for the complex lived realities of transgender people, ignoring both the social and physiological aspects of gender identity and creating a binary-centric framework that does not reflect real-world experiences.

The Great British Bake-Off of legal logic

One of the fundamental canons of statutory interpretation is to give effect to Parliament’s intention. The GRA was enacted as a direct response to the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) ruling in Goodwin v UK (2002), which found that the UK’s failure to recognise in law the acquired gender of “transsexual” people violated their rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. Parliament’s clear legislative intent was to enable trans people with a GRC to be legally recognised in their acquired gender “for all purposes”, thereby granting them access to the same rights and protections as cisgender individuals of that gender. A transgender person – including someone who has obtained a GRC – may retain biological and physical characteristics of what the Court seems to describe as “biological sex”. The true intention behind section 9(1) of the GRA 2004 was to provide legal recognition and an appropriate framework for such people for all purposes, without exception, unless expressly stated in the law. As the EA contains no express or necessarily implied exception to section 9(1), this should mean that the legal sex of a person with a GRC should be recognised as their acquired gender throughout the Act. However, the Supreme Court’s interpretation, in effect, reads the EA as cutting across the GRA in contexts concerning “sex” discrimination and “sex-related” services.

This judicial construction contradicts the clear legislative purpose of both Acts and undermines the comprehensive legal framework Parliament sought to establish to protect transgender individuals. By doing so, the Court creates legal incoherence where trans people are recognised in some legal contexts but starkly excluded in others. This approach is inconsistent with anti-discrimination protections, undermining the very purpose of the EA to ensure fairness and equality for all protected groups, and thus the principle of parliamentary sovereignty.

Too trans for some rights, not trans enough for others

In terms of gender recognition reform, the Court’s interpretation impacts the legal weight of GRC(s). While the GRC process remains in place – allowing individuals to change the “sex” on their birth certificate and be legally recognised in their acquired gender for many administrative and legal purposes – the Court has now drawn a clear boundary: This recognition does not extend to the definition of “woman” or “man” under the EA where “biological sex” is the statutory meaning. This shift has profound practical implications. Previously, obtaining a GRC was seen as the definitive legal step for trans people to be recognised in their acquired gender across all areas of life, including anti-discrimination law. Now, the Supreme Court’s decision means that, for the purposes of the EA, a trans woman with a GRC is not considered a “woman” in contexts where the EA’s sex-based provisions are triggered – such as access to women-only spaces, participation in women’s public boards, or eligibility for women’s quotas.

Moreover, the Supreme Court’s concern about practical implementation (see paras. 203, 211-18) that service providers cannot visually distinguish GRC holders creates a false dilemma that was previously addressed by the Scottish Court of Session, which recognised that many protected characteristics (including pregnancy, sexual orientation, and religion) are not visually apparent yet remain workable in practice. The Court’s rationale that recognising trans women’s legal sex would undermine women-only spaces relies on unsupported assumptions about safety risks rather than evidence. By prioritising hypothetical implementation concerns over Parliament’s clear intent in both the GRA and EA, the Court effectively creates a hierarchy of rights where practical convenience trumps the legal recognition explicitly granted by statute, an approach that fundamentally misunderstands how anti-discrimination frameworks routinely manage invisible protected characteristics through self-declaration.

The UK Court decision is likely to have a chilling effect. It has already prompted public bodies, such as the British Transport Police, to revise policies so that searches and other “sex-based” procedures are conducted according to the idea of “birth sex”. NHS officials and other service providers are also reviewing guidance on same-sex wards and facilities, with the expectation that trans women, even with a GRC, may be excluded from spaces now reserved for cis women. This creates a fragmented legal landscape where trans people are recognised in some contexts but excluded in others, diminishing the practical utility of the GRC.

Not beyond the binary

The Court’s interpretation of “sex” as strictly “biological”, excluding trans women – even those with GRC(s) – from the legal definition of “woman”, is narrow and binary-centric. This interpretation ignores the lived realities of transgender people, for whom gender “identity” is a deeply felt and integral part of their personhood, not merely a biological fact. It also seems to ignore the biological aspects for some people who are trans: hormonal and physiological changes, which are often visible. Instead, the Court’s reasoning prioritises an essentialist view of “sex” that fails to appreciate the bodily, social and legal complexities surrounding gender (see also Stein and Richardson).

As such, the Court fails to account for how transgender women may experience (intersectional) discrimination precisely because they are perceived as transgressing “sex” categories. The Supreme Court held that a transgender person who faces discrimination has multiple legal pathways for protection: They can claim discrimination based on the protected characteristic of gender reassignment if treated less favourably because they are trans, or they can claim direct sex discrimination if treated less favourably because they are perceived as being a woman (para. 253).

This approach, however, ignores the complex lived realities of transgender individuals whose experiences often involve both gender identity and sex-based discrimination simultaneously. The decision thereby entrenches exclusion and discrimination against trans people, rather than advancing equality in the way that the EA intended to do. Ultimately, the Court’s approach introduces profound ambiguities into equality law by suggesting that legal recognition of transgender people is conditional and partial. This threatens to legitimise discriminatory practices in healthcare, employment, and public services where transgender people already face substantial barriers. Extensive legislative intervention will be required to restore meaningful protections. More concerningly, the judgment may embolden efforts to restrict transgender rights further.

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Australia: Queensland to continue pause on paediatric gender hormone therapy pending review

Australia: Queensland to continue pause on paediatric gender hormone therapy pending review

The government of Queensland, Australia initiated Thursday an independent review into the use of paediatric gender hormone therapy. While the final report is due by 30 November 2025, the pause on new patients under 18 accessing hormone therapies within the public healthcare system will remain in place until the review is completed.

Professor Ruth Vine, Australia’s first Deputy Chief Medical Officer for Mental Health and Victoria’s Chief Psychiatrist, will lead the review. The review will consider, amongst other things, the quality of outcomes for the use of Stage 1 and Stage 2 hormones for children and adolescents with gender dysphoria and the strength of the evidence base for using Stage 1 and Stage 2 hormones to treat gender dysphoria. The review will also take into account legal and ethical considerations, such as social impacts on clinical practice and informed consent.

Previously, an independent evaluation of Queensland paediatric gender services finalized under the former labour government in July 2024 concluded that the service provides safe, evidence-based care consistent with national and international guidelines.

Queensland Health Minister Tim Nicholls initially announced the pausing of prescriptions of stage 1 (puberty suppression) and stage 2 (gender-affirming) hormone therapies on 28 January 2025. According to the minister, the immediate pause was due to concerns over the apparently unauthorized provision of gender services by the Cairns Sexual Health Service, which may have resulted in approximately 17 children receiving hormone therapy inconsistent with the nationally accepted clinical guidelines. The minister also pointed to the ongoing debate around the evidence supporting the effectiveness of stage 1 and stage 2 treatments for people under the age of 18 with gender dysphoria.

Children currently receiving treatment from the Queensland Children’s Gender Service will be exempt from the pause. However, there are around 491 children in Queensland waiting to access these treatments. The Sex Discrimination Commissioner Dr Anna Cody criticised the pause, stating:

Trans and gender diverse children and young people should feel supported to affirm their gender by the adults in their lives and health care providers. This pause has the potential to harm the physical and mental wellbeing of children in Queensland who are currently awaiting care … Above all, we must ensure we are putting the wellbeing of trans and gender diverse children and young people first.

The decision to undertake the review was influenced by the tightening of regulations around prescribing hormone therapy to children and adolescents in several European countries and the UK. Notably, the UK undertook a similar review which found amongst other things, that there is weak evidence for early puberty suppression and its impact on gender dysphoria, and mental or psychosocial health. Following the review, the UK has placed an indefinite ban on the prescription of puberty blockers for people under age 18. Relatedly, US President Trump has also imposed restrictions on access to gender-affirming treatment for transgender youth.

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EU: Court of Justice confirms “no need of gender reassignment surgery for rectification of personal data”

EU: Court of Justice confirms “no need of gender reassignment surgery for rectification of personal data”

“43 In the present case, it is apparent from the request for a preliminary ruling that the Member State concerned has adopted an administrative practice whereby the exercise, by a transgender person, of their right to rectification of data relating to their gender identity, contained in a public register, is conditional upon the production of evidence of gender reassignment surgery. Such an administrative practice gives rise to a restriction of the right to rectification, which must comply with the conditions referred to in Article 23 of the GDPR, as stated in the preceding two paragraphs of the present judgment.

44      First, it must be noted that that administrative practice does not satisfy the requirement that a Member State’s law may restrict the scope of the right provided for in Article 16 of the GDPR only by means of legislative measures. Subject to verification by the referring court, Hungarian law does not appear to contain any legislative measure relating to the evidential requirements applicable to the rectification of data relating to the gender identity of persons who are listed in the asylum register.

45      Second, such an administrative practice undermines the essence of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Charter and, in particular, the essence of the right to the integrity of the person and the right to respect for private life, referred to in Articles 3 and 7 of the Charter respectively.

46      In that regard, it should be noted that, in accordance with Article 52(3) of the Charter, the rights guaranteed by the Charter have the same meaning and the same scope as the corresponding rights guaranteed by the ECHR, the latter constituting a minimum threshold of protection (see, to that effect, judgment of 4 October 2024, Mirin, C‑4/23, EU:C:2024:845, paragraph 63 and the case-law cited).

47      It is apparent from the settled case-law of the European Court of Human Rights that Article 8 ECHR, which corresponds to Article 7 of the Charter, protects a person’s gender identity, which is a constituent element and one of the most intimate aspects of their private life. Thus, that provision encompasses the right to establish details of their identity as individual human beings, which includes the right of transgender people to personal development and physical and moral integrity and to respect for and recognition of their gender identity. To that end, Article 8 imposes positive obligations on States, in addition to negative obligations to protect transgender persons against arbitrary interference by public authorities, which also entails the establishment of effective and accessible procedures guaranteeing effective respect for their right to gender identity. Furthermore, in view of the particular importance of that right, States have only limited discretion in this area (see, to that effect, judgment of 4 October 2024, Mirin, C‑4/23, EU:C:2024:845, paragraphs 64 and 65 and the case-law cited).

48      In that context, the European Court of Human Rights has held, inter alia, that the recognition of the gender identity of a transgender person cannot be made conditional on the completion of surgical treatment not desired by that person (see, to that effect, ECtHR, 19 January 2021, X and Y v. Romania, CE:ECHR:2021:0119JUD000214516, §§ 165 and 167 and the case-law cited).

49      Third and lastly, an administrative practice such as that at issue in the main proceedings is not, in any event, either necessary or proportionate in order to ensure the reliability and consistency of a public register, such as the asylum register, since a medical certificate, including a psychiatric diagnosis, may constitute relevant and sufficient evidence in that regard (see, to that effect, ECtHR, 6 April 2017, A.P., Garçon and Nicot v. France, CE:ECHR:2017:0406JUD007988512, §§ 139 and 142).

50      In the light of the foregoing considerations, the answer to the second and third questions is that Article 16 of the GDPR must be interpreted as meaning that, for the purposes of exercising the right to rectification of the personal data relating to the gender identity of a natural person that are contained in a public register, that person may be required to provide relevant and sufficient evidence that may reasonably be required of that person in order to establish that those data are inaccurate. However, a Member State may not, under any circumstances, by way of an administrative practice, make the exercise of that right conditional upon the production of evidence of gender reassignment surgery.”

Source: JUDGMENT OF THE COURT (First Chamber) – 13 March 2025 – (Reference for a preliminary ruling – Protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data – Regulation (EU) 2016/679 – Article 5(1)(d) – Principle of accuracy – Article 16 – Right to rectification – Article 23 – Restrictions – Data relating to gender identity – Data incorrect from the time of inclusion in a public register – Means of proof – Administrative practice of requesting proof of gender reassignment surgery )

In Case C‑247/23 [Deldits], (1)

REQUEST for a preliminary ruling under Article 267 TFEU from the Fővárosi Törvényszék (Budapest High Court, Hungary), made by decision of 29 March 2023, received at the Court on 18 April 2023, in the proceedings

VP v Országos Idegenrendészeti Főigazgatóság

US Supreme Court agrees to decide on state bans on conversion therapy for LGBTQ+ children

US Supreme Court agrees to decide on state bans on conversion therapy for LGBTQ+ children

The Supreme Court agreed to decide on the constitutionality of state and local governments’ ban on conversion therapy in a case from Colorado on Monday. Conversion therapy refers to the effort used to convert someone’s gender identity and sexual orientation. The ban on conversion therapy has been argued by the Court of Appeals to be harmful, unsafe, and ineffective health treatment.

Kaley Chiles, a counselor, filed the case at issue. She argues that the law violates her First Amendment rights to free speech and freely exercise her religion. At The Court of Appeal, the justices reasoned that the law was enacted to regulate the health care profession and conduct of therapists rather than their speech. They state that the court’s precedent makes it clear that “the First Amendment does not relieve professional health care providers from their responsibility to provide treatment consistent with their fields’ standards of care.” Moreover, The Court of Appeal determined that  “the First Amendment permits states to regulate the professional practice of conversion therapy.”

The Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser, in opposition to the case, stated that:

In Colorado, we are committed to protecting professional standards of care so that no one suffers unscientific and harmful so-called gay conversion therapy. Colorado’s judgment on this is the humane, smart, and appropriate policy and we’re committed to defending it,

Ultimately, by the Supreme Court approving the petition to hear this case, the court will have the opportunity to make a binding precedent that will impact the laws surrounding free speech in America and fundamentally impact the lives of LGBTQ+  American children.

Since his election, President Trump has repeatedly targeted the LGBTQ+ community. He issued an executive order directing federal agencies to restrict access to gender-affirming medical care for transgender youth under age 19 and block federal funding for such treatments. The Human Rights Campaign (HRC) and Lambda Legal filed a lawsuit against Trump after he signed an executive order to ban transgender people from serving in the US Armed Forces.

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