Tag Archives: politics

English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

The English Football Association on Thursday stated that transgender women will no longer be allowed to play women’s football in England, announcing a change in its policy following a ruling by the UK Supreme Court last month.

The Football Association’s new policy will take effect on June 1. The association stated: “This is a complex subject, and our position has always been that if there was a material change in law, science, or the operation of the policy in grassroots football then we would review it and change it if necessary.”

The policy update is a response to the UK Supreme Court’s ruling on April 16, 2025, which stated that the term “woman” under the Equality Act 2010 referred to biological sex. This excludes individuals who had legally changed their gender to female through a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). Transgender people remain protected on the grounds of gender reassignment under Section 4 of the Equality Act. Additionally, they may invoke the provisions on direct discrimination and harassment as well as indirect discrimination. The court stated that “a certificated sex reading is not required to give them those protections.”

The Supreme Court emphasized that the ruling was only interpreting the Equality Act, stating:

It is not the role of the court to adjudicate on the arguments in the public domain on the meaning of gender or sex, nor is it to define the meaning of the word “woman” other than when it is used in the provisions of the EA 2010. It has a more limited role which does not involve making policy.

The UK’s Sports Councils previously expressed concerns over the fairness of transgender inclusion in domestic sport. Other sporting organizations, such as British Rowing, had already excluded transgender athletes from competing in the women’s category before the Supreme Court’s ruling.

The charity Stonewall criticized the Football Association’s decision on Thursday. The organization stated:

Trans people remain protected under the law and need to be treated with dignity and respect – and this announcement lacks any detail on how those obligations will be honoured. Hasty decisions, without a full understanding of the practical implications and before any changes to guidance have gone through the necessary consultation and parliamentary process, isn’t the answer.

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Article by Fulvia Ristuccia: (de) la Tour fait le cavalier [Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki]

Article by Fulvia Ristuccia: (de) la Tour fait le cavalier [Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki]

On 3 April 2025, Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki, a case that further advances the path opened by Coman on the protection of rainbow families through the exercise of free movement and EU citizenship rights. The referring court demanded clarification on the recognition and transcription of same-sex marriage contracted in another Member State between two nationals of the State where recognition was sought.

The Opinion of AG de la Tour commendably advances the Coman trajectory by acknowledging that even EU Member States where same-sex marriage is not permitted must recognise a family bond lawfully established in another Member State – including for purposes beyond mere residence. Yet, akin to a knight’s leap in chess, the Opinion sidestepped the question of marriage transcription in civil status registry with a reasoning that does not seem entirely convincing. It insulates the national competence on civil status register from the reach of EU law, without a sound explanation, and is liable to create hurdles for LGBTIQA+ families seeking recognition.

Recognition of LGBTIQA+ rights beyond the right to move and reside

With Coman in 2018, the Court defined the term “spouse” in Article 2(2)(a) CRD as encompassing also same-sex married couples (Coman, para 35). Under that provision, the same-sex spouse of a Union citizen, lawfully married during genuine residence in another Member State, has a right to reside irrespective of whether the State of residence recognises same-sex marriage (Coman, para 36).

Coman constituted a first – crucial – step in the protection of LGBTIQA+ family rights through EU citizenship. Yet, as the Court stressed that the recognition of same-sex marriage is limited to the right to reside (Coman, para 40), it left many questions unanswered regarding the families’ rights for purposes beyond free movement (Tryfonidou and the Opinion of de la Tour himself in Mirin, para 96). The case Wojewoda Mazowiecki aimed at confronting the CJEU precisely with those issues.

Facts

Polish civil status authorities refused to transcribe the marriage certificate for a same-sex couple of Polish nationals (one of whom also with German nationality) married in Germany and residing in Poland. Since Polish law does not allow same-sex marriage, one of the spouses would be wrongly recorded under the heading “woman”. Moreover, according to the Polish authorities, registering such a marriage would be “contrary to fundamental principles of the Polish legal order”. Finally, in their view, refusal to register the marriage would not conflict with EU law, as the recognition was not being requested for the purposes of residence or passport issuance.

The referring court (the Polish Supreme Administrative Court), on appeal, asked the CJEU whether EU law (in particular Art. 20 and 21 TFEU, and Art. 7 and 21 EU Charter, and 2(2) CRD) preclude a Member State from refusing to recognize the marriage and transcribe it into the civil status registry, thus preventing the applicants from living under their marital status in their State.

The Opinion of AG de la Tour: one step ahead

The AG separated from the outset the question of recognition of the marriage from that of its transcription. Regarding the former, whilst Member States retain their competence on civil status, they have to exercise it in compliance with EU law and recognise the change of status legitimately occurred in the exercise of free movement under Article 21 TFEU (para 27).

The AG started by distinguishing the recognition of family ties (inter-personal status) from personal status (paras 28-30). Amendments to the latter, such as recognition of gender transition, must be transcribed in civil status records (Mirin para 57). Conversely, following Coman on same-sex marriage and Pancharevo on same-sex parenthood, Member States are required to recognise changes in inter-personal status, but only for purposes related to movement, residence, or the issuance of travel documents.

Going beyond the reasoning in those cases, the AG held that in situations falling within the scope of EU law – because the applicants exercised their right to free movement and lawfully got married in another Member State – the refusal to recognise that marriage constitutes a restriction to the rights under Article 21 TFEU (para 32). As in Coman, the applicants were invoking rights against their State of nationality in a circular migration context. However, unlike Coman, the issue at hand did not concern the definition of the term spouse and the residence right under the CRD applied by analogy, even though the CRD was referenced in the preliminary question. In fact, recognition of the marriage was not necessary for the right to reside since both applicants were Polish nationals. Rather, the question was whether a family bond, once lawfully established in another Member State, must be recognised and protected throughout the EU. The main concern, therefore, revolved around the right to return – based solely on Article 21 TFEU. For this right to be effective, it must include the ability to return to one’s Member State of origin after having genuinely exercised free movement (a point not addressed by the AG), and to live there with one’s family status fully recognised and protected.

Despite being anchored in Article 21 TFEU, the core of the case arguably lies in the effective safeguard of the right to family life under Article 7 EU Charter (para 33), extending beyond a free-movement-only solution, as the recognition of the effects of the marriage is not limited to residence or the issuance of travel documents. Commendably, the AG examined the potential violation of fundamental rights – more thoroughly than the free movement aspects – focusing on the lack of any form of legal recognition for same-sex families. This echoes the ECtHR’s ruling in Przybyszewska and Others v. Poland (para 35), where such non-recognition was deemed incompatible with the Convention.

Consequently, the AG concluded that where a Member State does not provide a specific legal framework for rainbow families – thereby denying individuals the right to autonomously determine a fundamental aspect of their private and family life – it must, under EU law, at least “establish appropriate procedures for the recognition of ties established in another Member State” through the exercise of free movement (para 36). Remarkably, mutual recognition seems to compensate for the absence of domestic protection or even the explicit prohibition of same-sex marriage. This suggests that Treaty rights may chart an alternative route to safeguard the fundamental rights of rainbow families when national avenues are barred (see, on Coman, Belavusau). Moreover, in line with Coman, such an obligation does not violate the national identity of the Member State (para 36), and it is submitted that it offers a balanced solution: fundamental rights are protected through EU citizenship without requiring the Member State to provide for same-sex marriage domestically.

Two steps sideways

On the transcription of marriage in civil status records, Wojewoda Mazowiecki seems to serve as a test case for the evolution witnessed in Mirin, where the Court held that Member States have a strict duty of mutual recognition and transcription in civil status records of a gender transition recognised in another Member State. The AG acknowledged the obligations stemming from that case but distinguished the transcription of changes to personal status (e.g., gender identity or name) from those regarding inter-personal status (e.g., marriage, parenthood). Regarding family ties, de la Tour followed the stance he had anticipated in Mirin: the transcription of changes to inter-personal status does not ensue automatically from the obligation of mutual recognition (Mirin, Opinion, paras. 87 and ff.).

This conclusion takes two steps sideways from the first part of the Opinion. First, it distinguishes between the recognition of the effects of a marriage and the obligation to transcribe it – the latter applying only to matters of personal identity, and not to inter-personal statuses (para 38). Second, the AG asserted that transcription is not required unless the recognition of the marriage’s effects would be ineffective without it. In Poland, the administrative practice is such that transcription is the only way of proving a marriage. Hence, to guarantee the effective enjoyment of the right to family life without undue administrative obstacles, Polish authorities must transcribe the marriage (para 45). However, this obligation does not apply to all Member States, provided that they foresee alternative mechanisms to secure the rights under Article 7 EU Charter and that the “formality” of transcription is not necessary for the marriage to be proven and produce legal effects (para 46).

This turn in the reasoning is not persuasive for several reasons. The distinction between the transcription of changes to personal identity and those relating to family status is difficult to sustain. In both cases, “serious inconveniences” may arise. Family ties are inherently linked to “the personal and the social identity of the applicants as homosexual people wishing to have their relationships as couples legitimised and protected by law” (para 35, referring to ECtHR case law on the lack of legal recognition of same-sex couples).

Moreover, the Opinion insufficiently explains the reasons for the strong insulation of national competence over the transcription of civil status – which the Opinion itself describes as a “formality” – in contrast to the recognition, prescribed by EU law, of the substantive effects of the same-sex marriage. While the AG read the scope of Member States’ obligations through the lens of their administrative procedural autonomy, he failed to acknowledge the unconvincing practical consequences of recognition without transcription. How would that work in practice? The alternatives proposed (para 54) – i.e. presenting the marriage certificate, which does not require legalisation, or allowing the spouses to use the same surname – are not as effective as transcription. Would individuals be expected to carry their marriage certificate – duly translated, one might imagine – in their wallet at all times? De la Tour overlooked the hurdles that the lack of transcription of inter-personal status would cause in the daily life of individuals, as well as in the exercise of their (fundamental) rights as a family.

Even considering the division of competences between the EU and the Member States, this part of the reasoning remains doubtful. Noting that the applicants sought recognition of their marriage to exercise domestic rights (para 43), the AG highlighted that civil status records fall within national “exclusive competence”. However, the recognition of the legal effects of marriage does not fall within the scope of EU competences either, and still, Member States must exercise their retained competences in compliance with EU law, and, as the AG held, recognise the same-sex marriage lawfully contracted in another Member State – beyond free movement purposes. Accordingly, it is unclear why transcription should be treated any differently?

The Opinion does not convincingly justify this differentiation, which creates significant obstacles to the effectiveness of EU citizens’ rights. In the AG’s view, a general obligation to transcribe the marital status would “move from an approach based on the principle of free movement of a Union citizen that is limited to his or her identity, to an approach based solely on the right to respect for his or her family life”, which would be “incorporated into the right of free movement and residence and would be detached from any derived right” (para 57). However, as the Court repeatedly stated, in the exercise of free movement, EU citizens have a right to lead a normal family life (Lounes, para 52 and Lazzerini). Accordingly, that right is already “incorporated” into free movement law. Leaving Member States a margin to decide which degree of administrative burden can they impose on LGBTIQA+ families seems like an unnecessary formal compensation for the substantive obligation to recognise the marriage.

The AG laudably relied on Member States’ international commitments under the ECHR to reinforce EU Charter rights that touch upon politically sensitive areas (Spaventa). Nevertheless, the fact that transcription falls within the States’ margin of appreciation under the Convention – and is therefore not mandated by the latter (paras 51-52) – is of limited relevance. Under Article 52(3) EU Charter, EU law can go beyond the ECHR protection (compare to para 53). Furthermore, the margin of appreciation doctrine, as developed by the ECtHR, is not entirely congruent in this context. Unlike Orlandi v Italy, the issue at hand is not about the duty to enact domestic reforms to introduce a legal framework on same-sex marriage or partnership. Rather, the present situation concerns the obligation to recognise a family bond lawfully established in another Member State and ease the administrative burdens to ensure effective protection of the applicants’ rights, particularly non-discrimination and respect for family life (on the different nature of those obligations, see Nic Shuibhne and Bacic). Such a duty is grounded in EU citizenship and the logic of mutual recognition, which may simultaneously require more – such as recognition and transcription – and less – by not imposing domestic reforms – than what is demanded under the ECHR.

Conclusion

Overall, the Opinion seeks to find a balance between the different interests at stake: the fundamental rights of the applicants – and of the many families in similar circumstances – the politically sensitive concerns of certain Member States, and, ultimately, the division of competences between the EU and its Member States. Despite taking a step ahead in a fundamental-rights-oriented direction regarding the recognition of same-sex marriage beyond the free movement purposes, de la Tour chose a rather cautious and unconvincing approach to transcription. By holding that the latter is not required under EU law unless recognition would be ineffective without it, the AG shifted laterally, evading challenging questions with significant practical and fundamental rights implications for individuals.

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Article by Sarthak Gupta: Back to Binary Basics [UK]

Article by Sarthak Gupta: Back to Binary Basics [UK]

On April 16 2025, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (Supreme Court) delivered its decision on a fundamental question regarding the interpretation of the terms “sex” and “woman” under the Equality Act 2010 (EA) i.e., whether the EA includes trans women with a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC) issued under the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA). The Court unanimously held that, under the EA, the meaning of the word “woman” must be restricted to “biological” women, and does not include trans women, even those who have legally changed their gender under the GRA. The decision risks undermining the UK’s equality law framework and marks a troubling regression in gender rights.

Women’s rights v. transgender rights

For Women Scotland (FWS), an organisation purporting to act for women’s rights, initiated this case as their second judicial review, challenging statutory guidance issued under Section 7 of the Gender Representation on Public Boards (Scotland) Act 2018. The 2018 Act set a gender representation objective of 50% women in non-executive posts on Scottish public authority boards. Section 2 defines “woman” to include persons with the protected characteristic of gender reassignment who were “living as a woman” and undergoing transition processes. In their first judicial review, FWS successfully challenged this definition, with the Inner House ruling on February 18, 2022, that “transgender women” is not a protected characteristic under the EA and that the definition “impinges on the nature of protected characteristics, which is a reserved matter.” The Court declared the definition outside the Scottish Parliament’s legislative competence (paras. 15-18).

In response, the Scottish Ministers issued revised guidance on April 19, 2022, which operated on the premise that the Court had nullified the statutory definition of “woman”. The new guidance stated that under Sections 11 and 212(1) of the EA, and per Section 9(1) of the GRA, women with full GRC would count as women toward the Act’s 50% representation objective. The Scottish Government based this position on the notion that a trans woman with a full GRC has changed her sex in law from male to female (paras. 19-23). FWS then petitioned for judicial review in July 2022, arguing this revised guidance was unlawful and beyond devolved competence under Section 54 of the Scotland Act 1998 (paras. 21-22).

This raised the central legal question whether references to “sex”, “woman”, and “female” in the EA should be interpreted in light of Section 9 of the GRA 2004 to include women with a GRC. The case specifically addressed only the status of the small minority of trans individuals with full GRC(s) (approximately 8,464 people out of 96,000 trans people in England and Wales and 19,990 trans people in Scotland), whose sex remains in law their biological sex. In the later decision by the Outer House of the Court of Session, on December 13, 2022,  Lady Haldane had dismissed FWS’s petition, holding that Section 9 of the GRA 2004 could scarcely be clearer in changing a person’s sex for all purposes, and that the EA was “drafted in full awareness of the 2004 Act” (para. 27). The Second Division of the Inner House subsequently refused FWS’s appeal, confirming that a person with a GRC “acquires the opposite gender for all purposes” unless specific exceptions apply, and that persons with GRCs possess the protected characteristic of sex according to their GRC as well as gender reassignment (paras. 28-29).

Decoding the UK Supreme Court’s decision

The Supreme Court allowed the second judicial review and held that “sex” (and related terms) in the EA meant a binary idea of “biological sex”. The Court reiterated that under Section 9(1) of the GRA 2004, the acquired gender of a person with a GRC is recognised “for all purposes”, unless an exception under Section 9(3) applies. Section 9(3) provides that this rule does not apply where another enactment (like the EA) has made a specific “provision” that displaces this effect. The Court emphasised that such displacement does not need to be explicit or by necessary implication – contextual and purposive analysis may also suffice (para. 156).

The Court held that the terms “sex” and “woman” in the EA are to be interpreted as referring only to “biological” sex and “biological” women. To determine the intended meaning of “sex” and “woman” in the EA, the Court undertook a comprehensive analysis of its structure and purpose. It stressed the importance of predictability, clarity, and workability in equality law, which is grounded in group-based rights tied to shared experiences and biological realities (paras. 153-154, 171-172). The Court reasoned that many provisions in the EA 2010 – such as those dealing with pregnancy, maternity, breast-feeding, and health and safety exemptions – could only be coherently interpreted by reference to biological sex, since only biological women can become pregnant or give birth (paras. 177-188). It is crucial to note that the Court’s analysis was not confined to sections of the EA closely tied to reproduction, but explicitly recognised that single-sex spaces and women’s sports – such as toilets, changing rooms, hospital wards, and sports clubs – will function properly only if “sex” is interpreted as biological sex, with the judgment expected to have far-reaching consequences in these areas (para. 235).

The Court firmly rejected the Scottish Ministers’ argument for a context-dependent or variable definition of “woman” that could accommodate trans as well as cis women within some provisions of the EA (para. 190). It held that allowing different meanings of “woman” in different parts of the EA would violate the “principle of legal certainty” and undermine the statute’s consistency (paras. 191-192, 195). It also dismissed the claim that excluding trans women from the sex-based definition would deprive them of legal protection since trans people are already protected under the separate characteristic of gender reassignment in Section 7 of the EA (para. 198-201).

The Court also considered the practical and legal implications of accepting a certified sex definition. It pointed out that most individuals with the protected characteristic of gender reassignment do not have a GRC, and there is no outward means for duty-bearers (like employers or service providers) to know who does based on appearance. This would make the law extremely difficult to apply and could result in de facto self-identification, thereby undermining women-only spaces and protections (para. 203). For example, services like rape crisis centres, women’s shelters, or single-sex schools would no longer be able to operate meaningfully as women-only services if legal “sex” included trans women (paras. 211-218, 226-228).

Parliament said “all purposes”, Supreme Court said “well, actually…”

The Supreme Court’s decision marks a critical shift in the legal framework governing gender and sex-based rights in the UK. First, it challenges Parliament’s intention in the GRA by limiting the scope of legal recognition for transgender individuals with GRCs, contradicting the “for all purposes” provision and creating legal incoherence. Second, the ruling significantly diminishes the practical value of GRCs by establishing that they do not extend to the definition of “woman” or “man” under the EA, where “biological sex” is considered the statutory meaning, leading to a fragmented legal landscape and policy revisions by public bodies. Third, the Court’s narrow interpretation of “sex” as strictly biological fails to account for the complex lived realities of transgender people, ignoring both the social and physiological aspects of gender identity and creating a binary-centric framework that does not reflect real-world experiences.

The Great British Bake-Off of legal logic

One of the fundamental canons of statutory interpretation is to give effect to Parliament’s intention. The GRA was enacted as a direct response to the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) ruling in Goodwin v UK (2002), which found that the UK’s failure to recognise in law the acquired gender of “transsexual” people violated their rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. Parliament’s clear legislative intent was to enable trans people with a GRC to be legally recognised in their acquired gender “for all purposes”, thereby granting them access to the same rights and protections as cisgender individuals of that gender. A transgender person – including someone who has obtained a GRC – may retain biological and physical characteristics of what the Court seems to describe as “biological sex”. The true intention behind section 9(1) of the GRA 2004 was to provide legal recognition and an appropriate framework for such people for all purposes, without exception, unless expressly stated in the law. As the EA contains no express or necessarily implied exception to section 9(1), this should mean that the legal sex of a person with a GRC should be recognised as their acquired gender throughout the Act. However, the Supreme Court’s interpretation, in effect, reads the EA as cutting across the GRA in contexts concerning “sex” discrimination and “sex-related” services.

This judicial construction contradicts the clear legislative purpose of both Acts and undermines the comprehensive legal framework Parliament sought to establish to protect transgender individuals. By doing so, the Court creates legal incoherence where trans people are recognised in some legal contexts but starkly excluded in others. This approach is inconsistent with anti-discrimination protections, undermining the very purpose of the EA to ensure fairness and equality for all protected groups, and thus the principle of parliamentary sovereignty.

Too trans for some rights, not trans enough for others

In terms of gender recognition reform, the Court’s interpretation impacts the legal weight of GRC(s). While the GRC process remains in place – allowing individuals to change the “sex” on their birth certificate and be legally recognised in their acquired gender for many administrative and legal purposes – the Court has now drawn a clear boundary: This recognition does not extend to the definition of “woman” or “man” under the EA where “biological sex” is the statutory meaning. This shift has profound practical implications. Previously, obtaining a GRC was seen as the definitive legal step for trans people to be recognised in their acquired gender across all areas of life, including anti-discrimination law. Now, the Supreme Court’s decision means that, for the purposes of the EA, a trans woman with a GRC is not considered a “woman” in contexts where the EA’s sex-based provisions are triggered – such as access to women-only spaces, participation in women’s public boards, or eligibility for women’s quotas.

Moreover, the Supreme Court’s concern about practical implementation (see paras. 203, 211-18) that service providers cannot visually distinguish GRC holders creates a false dilemma that was previously addressed by the Scottish Court of Session, which recognised that many protected characteristics (including pregnancy, sexual orientation, and religion) are not visually apparent yet remain workable in practice. The Court’s rationale that recognising trans women’s legal sex would undermine women-only spaces relies on unsupported assumptions about safety risks rather than evidence. By prioritising hypothetical implementation concerns over Parliament’s clear intent in both the GRA and EA, the Court effectively creates a hierarchy of rights where practical convenience trumps the legal recognition explicitly granted by statute, an approach that fundamentally misunderstands how anti-discrimination frameworks routinely manage invisible protected characteristics through self-declaration.

The UK Court decision is likely to have a chilling effect. It has already prompted public bodies, such as the British Transport Police, to revise policies so that searches and other “sex-based” procedures are conducted according to the idea of “birth sex”. NHS officials and other service providers are also reviewing guidance on same-sex wards and facilities, with the expectation that trans women, even with a GRC, may be excluded from spaces now reserved for cis women. This creates a fragmented legal landscape where trans people are recognised in some contexts but excluded in others, diminishing the practical utility of the GRC.

Not beyond the binary

The Court’s interpretation of “sex” as strictly “biological”, excluding trans women – even those with GRC(s) – from the legal definition of “woman”, is narrow and binary-centric. This interpretation ignores the lived realities of transgender people, for whom gender “identity” is a deeply felt and integral part of their personhood, not merely a biological fact. It also seems to ignore the biological aspects for some people who are trans: hormonal and physiological changes, which are often visible. Instead, the Court’s reasoning prioritises an essentialist view of “sex” that fails to appreciate the bodily, social and legal complexities surrounding gender (see also Stein and Richardson).

As such, the Court fails to account for how transgender women may experience (intersectional) discrimination precisely because they are perceived as transgressing “sex” categories. The Supreme Court held that a transgender person who faces discrimination has multiple legal pathways for protection: They can claim discrimination based on the protected characteristic of gender reassignment if treated less favourably because they are trans, or they can claim direct sex discrimination if treated less favourably because they are perceived as being a woman (para. 253).

This approach, however, ignores the complex lived realities of transgender individuals whose experiences often involve both gender identity and sex-based discrimination simultaneously. The decision thereby entrenches exclusion and discrimination against trans people, rather than advancing equality in the way that the EA intended to do. Ultimately, the Court’s approach introduces profound ambiguities into equality law by suggesting that legal recognition of transgender people is conditional and partial. This threatens to legitimise discriminatory practices in healthcare, employment, and public services where transgender people already face substantial barriers. Extensive legislative intervention will be required to restore meaningful protections. More concerningly, the judgment may embolden efforts to restrict transgender rights further.

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US Federal judge blocks key parts of Trump’s anti-DEI orders

US Federal judge blocks key parts of Trump’s anti-DEI orders

A judge for the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois on Tuesday issued a preliminary injunction preventing the US Department of Labor from requiring government contractors and federal grant recipients to certify that they do not operate any diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs that violate any federal anti-discrimination laws.

Executive Order 14151, the termination provision, orders applicable federal agencies to terminate all “equity action plans,” “equity” actions, initiatives, or programs, “equity-related” grants or contracts, and all DEI performance requirements for employees, contractors or grantees. Executive Order 14173—the certification provision—mandates that recipients of federal grants validate that they are not conducting any DEI initiatives in violation of federal anti-discrimination laws.

The preliminary injunction comes after the non-profit organization Chicago Women in Trades (CWIT) filed a complaint challenging the executive orders. In 2024, CWIT received federal money from the Women in Apprenticeship and Nontraditional Occupations (WANTO) program, which works to increase women’s participation in apprenticeship programs and nontraditional occupations such as trades, construction, project management, and cybersecurity. After Trump’s executive orders, CWIT stood to lose thousands of dollars in federal funding, hindering its efforts to increase the representation of marginalized women in key fields. Approximately 70 percent of CWIT’s participants are Black and Latina women.

In the preliminary injunction, Judge Matthew Kennelly held that CWIT would likely prevail on its First Amendment challenge to the certification provision. CWIT argued that the anti-DEI executive orders impose restrictions that are “overbroad” and “impossibly vague” and that “condition CWIT’s receipt of federal funding upon the stifling of CWIT’s protected speech.” Additionally, Kennelly found that CWIT was likely to succeed on the merits of its claim that the termination provision violates the separation of powers. The US Constitution does not permit any executive branch official to unilaterally terminate federal grants and contracts without express statutory authority from Congress. The preliminary injunction is narrow in scope and applies only to the US Department of Labor, not to all federal agencies.

Just a few weeks ago, the US Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit upheld the government’s request to stay a nationwide preliminary injunction that blocked enforcement of the same contested elements of the two executive orders.

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US education department to cut funding on Maine for gender-affirming school sports

US education department to cut funding on Maine for gender-affirming school sports

The US Department of Education (DOE) announced Friday its plan to terminate the Maine Department of Education’s (MDOE) federal K-12 education funding for its noncompliance with US President Trump’s executive orders attacking “gender ideology” and gender-affirming educational practices.

The DOE concluded that MDOE has endorsed or allowed school policies allowing males to compete in female sports and occupy women-only intimate spaces. It additionally stated:

[O]ver at least the past two years and continuing in the current school year, at least three male student-athletes have competed in Maine high school girls’ athletic programs for at least five different high schools (so affecting many more times that number of high schools whose female athletes competed against the male athletes).

The DOE’s Office for Civil Rights launched its Title IX investigation of the MDOE on February 21, 2025, in response to Maine Governor Janet Mills challenging Trump to get the courts to make Maine comply with his executive orders. The DOE published its noncompliance finding on March 19 along with a proposed resolution agreement, notifying Maine that it will send a letter of impending enforcement action if Maine does not sign the resolution agreement within ten days from the finding. 

In addition to ceasing the practice of its gender-affirming policy, the resolution agreement would have required the MDOE to make “each school district in Maine to submit to MDOE an annual certification of compliance [and] promptly notify OCR of any credible report that a school district is still allowing a boy to participate in girls’ sports.” It would have also required the MDOE to give recognitions to female athletes who did not receive them due to males participating in women’s sports.

On March 31, the DOE sent the MDOE a final warning letter instructing that it will take enforcement action if Maine does not accept the agreement by Friday.

The DOE’s Acting Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Craig Trainor commented in a press release:

The Department has given Maine every opportunity to come into compliance with Title IX, but the state’s leaders have stubbornly refused to do so, choosing instead to prioritize an extremist ideological agenda over their students’ safety, privacy, and dignity … Governor Mills would have done well to adhere to the wisdom embedded in the old idiom—be careful what you wish for. Now she will see the Trump Administration in court.

Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 is a federal law prohibiting sex-based discrimination in any education program or activity receiving federal funds. President Trump issued Executive Orders 14168 and 14201 to enforce Title IX, notably by requiring girls’ or women’s school athletic opportunities and private spaces (e.g., locker rooms) to be reserved only for biological females. They further ordered federal funding to be cut from educational institutions that did not comply with the orders.

On the contrary, the MDOE supported its stance by stating that the Maine Human Rights Act adheres to Title IX by prohibiting discrimination in education on the basis of a protected class, including the class of “sexual orientation (which includes gender identity and expression)…”

The DOE also announced that it will be referring this investigation to the US Department of Justice for suit in federal court. These developments come after the Trump administration’s announcement to create a Title IX Special Investigations Team to combat “gender ideology” in schools.

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USA: Georgia new legislation requires transgender athletes to compete in their biological sex

USA: Georgia new legislation requires transgender athletes to compete in their biological sex

US Georgia Senate passed the Riley Gaines Act of 2025, formerly the Fair and Safe Athletic Opportunities Act, on Monday.

The legislation requires the designation of “sex-specific athletic teams,” barring males from competing in women’s sports and women from competing in men’s sports unless the team’s designation is “coed.” The legislation also replaces the term “gender,” with “sex,” and defines sex as “a student’s biological sex based exclusively on the student’s reproductive biology and genetics at birth.” The legislation intends to safeguard the safety and fairness of sports.

Riley Gaines, a women’s rights advocate, and former collegiate athlete, gained national recognition after she and others were compelled to share a locker room with and compete against a biological male. The incident—along with many others similarly situated—unearthed a series of Title IX Civil Rights Act claims and calls for legislative, and regulatory changes around the US.

Lieutenant Governor Burt Jones spoke about the bill after it passed on Monday—issuing a celebratory statement about the protection of women’s sports.

I want to thank all of the brave women and girls who shared their personal stories and helped shape this legislation. Their courage is commendable and ensures that the rights of female athletes are preserved and protected by law. I look forward to standing with Governor Brian Kemp, Speaker Jon Burns, and female athletes with their families around the state when the “Riley Gaines Act of 2025” is signed into law.

Notably, an earlier intervention, HB1084 was passed in 2022 by Georgia lawmakers, creating an executive oversight committee to investigate and determine the necessity of barring males from participating in women’s high school athletics. Governor Kemp, in his remarks on HB1084, said, “We put students and parents first by putting woke politics out the classroom and off the ball field.” Turning to the present bill, Governor Kemp is expected to sign the Riley Gaines Act into law.

Relatedly, President Trump issued an executive order rescinding funds for educational programs that “deprive women and girls of fair athletic opportunities,” by allowing males to compete in women’s sports. Meanwhile, the executive order is facing legal challenges in New Hampshire, where two transgender litigants contended that the order violates the Fifth Amendment, the Fourteenth Amendment, and Title IX of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

The post Georgia new legislation requires transgender athletes to compete in their biological sex appeared first on JURIST – News.

European Union: Proposal for a COUNCIL REGULATION on jurisdiction, applicable law, recognition of decisions and acceptance of authentic instruments in matters of parenthood and on the creation of a European Certificate of Parenthood – discussions continue

European Union: Proposal for a COUNCIL REGULATION on jurisdiction, applicable law, recognition of decisions and acceptance of authentic instruments in matters of parenthood and on the creation of a European Certificate of Parenthood – discussions continue

See: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52022PC0695

Answer given by Mr McGrath on behalf of the European Commission – 26.3.2025: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/E-10-2024-002599-ASW_EN.html

The Commission remains committed to upholding children’s and women’s rights within the framework of its competences. Substantive family law, such as rules on the definition of family and on surrogacy, falls within the competence of the Member States. Each Member State therefore decides its position as regards surrogacy.

EU law already requires Member States to recognise the parenthood of children as established in another Member State for the purposes of children’s rights derived from EU law, such as the rights to enter or reside in another Member State[1].

Based on Article 81(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, the Commission adopted a proposal[2] on the recognition of parenthood between Member States to protect all children’s rights, including children’s rights derived from national law, such as the rights to inheritance and maintenance. Negotiations in the Council on the proposed legislation — which requires adoption by unanimity — are ongoing.

Given that, under international[3] and EU law[4], all children have the same rights, the Commission proposal covers the recognition of parenthood established in a Member State irrespective of how the child was conceived or born, and irrespective of the child’s type of family.

The proposal thus includes the recognition of the parenthood of children born abroad through surrogacy, provided the parenthood has been established in a Member State.

The exploitation of surrogacy, among others, is included as a form of exploitation in the Anti-Trafficking Directive, modified by Directive (EU) 2024/1712 of 13 June 2024[5].

It targets those who coerce or deceive women into acting as surrogate mothers, without prejudice to the national rules on surrogacy, including criminal law or family law.

  • [1] This was confirmed, including as regards children with same-sex parents, by the Court of Justice in its judgment of 14 December 2021 in the VMA case (C-490/20).
  • [2] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A52022PC0695, 7 December 2022, COM(2022) 695.
  • [3] In particular the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Children (UNCRC) and the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR).
  • [4] Including the EU Treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU.
  • [5] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dir/2024/1712/oj

Australia: Queensland to continue pause on paediatric gender hormone therapy pending review

Australia: Queensland to continue pause on paediatric gender hormone therapy pending review

The government of Queensland, Australia initiated Thursday an independent review into the use of paediatric gender hormone therapy. While the final report is due by 30 November 2025, the pause on new patients under 18 accessing hormone therapies within the public healthcare system will remain in place until the review is completed.

Professor Ruth Vine, Australia’s first Deputy Chief Medical Officer for Mental Health and Victoria’s Chief Psychiatrist, will lead the review. The review will consider, amongst other things, the quality of outcomes for the use of Stage 1 and Stage 2 hormones for children and adolescents with gender dysphoria and the strength of the evidence base for using Stage 1 and Stage 2 hormones to treat gender dysphoria. The review will also take into account legal and ethical considerations, such as social impacts on clinical practice and informed consent.

Previously, an independent evaluation of Queensland paediatric gender services finalized under the former labour government in July 2024 concluded that the service provides safe, evidence-based care consistent with national and international guidelines.

Queensland Health Minister Tim Nicholls initially announced the pausing of prescriptions of stage 1 (puberty suppression) and stage 2 (gender-affirming) hormone therapies on 28 January 2025. According to the minister, the immediate pause was due to concerns over the apparently unauthorized provision of gender services by the Cairns Sexual Health Service, which may have resulted in approximately 17 children receiving hormone therapy inconsistent with the nationally accepted clinical guidelines. The minister also pointed to the ongoing debate around the evidence supporting the effectiveness of stage 1 and stage 2 treatments for people under the age of 18 with gender dysphoria.

Children currently receiving treatment from the Queensland Children’s Gender Service will be exempt from the pause. However, there are around 491 children in Queensland waiting to access these treatments. The Sex Discrimination Commissioner Dr Anna Cody criticised the pause, stating:

Trans and gender diverse children and young people should feel supported to affirm their gender by the adults in their lives and health care providers. This pause has the potential to harm the physical and mental wellbeing of children in Queensland who are currently awaiting care … Above all, we must ensure we are putting the wellbeing of trans and gender diverse children and young people first.

The decision to undertake the review was influenced by the tightening of regulations around prescribing hormone therapy to children and adolescents in several European countries and the UK. Notably, the UK undertook a similar review which found amongst other things, that there is weak evidence for early puberty suppression and its impact on gender dysphoria, and mental or psychosocial health. Following the review, the UK has placed an indefinite ban on the prescription of puberty blockers for people under age 18. Relatedly, US President Trump has also imposed restrictions on access to gender-affirming treatment for transgender youth.

The post Queensland to continue pause on paediatric gender hormone therapy pending review appeared first on JURIST – News.

Copy, Paste, Erase – Anti-LGBT+ laws are spreading in Europe! Sign the petition and urge the EU to not stay silent!

Copy, Paste, Erase – Anti-LGBT+ laws are spreading in Europe! Sign the petition and urge the EU to not stay silent!

Across Europe, governments are copying harmful anti-LGBT+ laws – banning discussions on gender and sexuality, erasing LGBT+ identities from schools and media, and silencing those who speak out for equality. What started in Russia is rapidly spreading to Hungary, Bulgaria, and Georgia. But who’s next?

Romania has already attempted a ban on discussing gender in classrooms and Italy is trying to ban “gender theory” in schools.

These rollbacks are not isolated incidents. They are well-organized, strategic attacks, fueled by anti-LGBT+ forces that want to roll back our rights.

🚨 This blueprint for hate is spreading fast. If we don’t act, more countries will follow.

That’s why LGBT+ organizations from five countries have come together to respond together, strategically, and in solidarity. The EU has the power to intervene – but only if we make our voices heard.

Sign this petition now and demand the EU take immediate action!

Anti-LGBT+ forces are replicating Russia’s notorious “propaganda” laws, censoring educators, silencing activists, and pushing LGBT+ people back into the shadows. In Hungary, this dangerous trend began in June 2021, when a law banned any mention of LGBT+ identities in schools. The European Union responded by taking Hungary to the EU Court of Justice, clearly asserting that these laws violated core European values. Now we must insist the EU acts with the same urgency and resolve across the continent.

When communities stand together, change happens. Last year, Lithuania’s Constitutional Court struck down a 15-year-old anti-LGBT+ law, declaring it unconstitutional. This historic victory proves that solidarity works. Now, it’s time the EU showed the same determination across all of Europe.

A coordinated attack needs a united response! Let’s remind the EU of its duty to protect fundamental rights. Every voice makes our demand stronger.

Stand with LGBT+ communities across Europe today – sign the petition and urge the EU to not stay silent!

Thanks for going All Out!

EU: Court of Justice confirms “no need of gender reassignment surgery for rectification of personal data”

EU: Court of Justice confirms “no need of gender reassignment surgery for rectification of personal data”

“43 In the present case, it is apparent from the request for a preliminary ruling that the Member State concerned has adopted an administrative practice whereby the exercise, by a transgender person, of their right to rectification of data relating to their gender identity, contained in a public register, is conditional upon the production of evidence of gender reassignment surgery. Such an administrative practice gives rise to a restriction of the right to rectification, which must comply with the conditions referred to in Article 23 of the GDPR, as stated in the preceding two paragraphs of the present judgment.

44      First, it must be noted that that administrative practice does not satisfy the requirement that a Member State’s law may restrict the scope of the right provided for in Article 16 of the GDPR only by means of legislative measures. Subject to verification by the referring court, Hungarian law does not appear to contain any legislative measure relating to the evidential requirements applicable to the rectification of data relating to the gender identity of persons who are listed in the asylum register.

45      Second, such an administrative practice undermines the essence of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Charter and, in particular, the essence of the right to the integrity of the person and the right to respect for private life, referred to in Articles 3 and 7 of the Charter respectively.

46      In that regard, it should be noted that, in accordance with Article 52(3) of the Charter, the rights guaranteed by the Charter have the same meaning and the same scope as the corresponding rights guaranteed by the ECHR, the latter constituting a minimum threshold of protection (see, to that effect, judgment of 4 October 2024, Mirin, C‑4/23, EU:C:2024:845, paragraph 63 and the case-law cited).

47      It is apparent from the settled case-law of the European Court of Human Rights that Article 8 ECHR, which corresponds to Article 7 of the Charter, protects a person’s gender identity, which is a constituent element and one of the most intimate aspects of their private life. Thus, that provision encompasses the right to establish details of their identity as individual human beings, which includes the right of transgender people to personal development and physical and moral integrity and to respect for and recognition of their gender identity. To that end, Article 8 imposes positive obligations on States, in addition to negative obligations to protect transgender persons against arbitrary interference by public authorities, which also entails the establishment of effective and accessible procedures guaranteeing effective respect for their right to gender identity. Furthermore, in view of the particular importance of that right, States have only limited discretion in this area (see, to that effect, judgment of 4 October 2024, Mirin, C‑4/23, EU:C:2024:845, paragraphs 64 and 65 and the case-law cited).

48      In that context, the European Court of Human Rights has held, inter alia, that the recognition of the gender identity of a transgender person cannot be made conditional on the completion of surgical treatment not desired by that person (see, to that effect, ECtHR, 19 January 2021, X and Y v. Romania, CE:ECHR:2021:0119JUD000214516, §§ 165 and 167 and the case-law cited).

49      Third and lastly, an administrative practice such as that at issue in the main proceedings is not, in any event, either necessary or proportionate in order to ensure the reliability and consistency of a public register, such as the asylum register, since a medical certificate, including a psychiatric diagnosis, may constitute relevant and sufficient evidence in that regard (see, to that effect, ECtHR, 6 April 2017, A.P., Garçon and Nicot v. France, CE:ECHR:2017:0406JUD007988512, §§ 139 and 142).

50      In the light of the foregoing considerations, the answer to the second and third questions is that Article 16 of the GDPR must be interpreted as meaning that, for the purposes of exercising the right to rectification of the personal data relating to the gender identity of a natural person that are contained in a public register, that person may be required to provide relevant and sufficient evidence that may reasonably be required of that person in order to establish that those data are inaccurate. However, a Member State may not, under any circumstances, by way of an administrative practice, make the exercise of that right conditional upon the production of evidence of gender reassignment surgery.”

Source: JUDGMENT OF THE COURT (First Chamber) – 13 March 2025 – (Reference for a preliminary ruling – Protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data – Regulation (EU) 2016/679 – Article 5(1)(d) – Principle of accuracy – Article 16 – Right to rectification – Article 23 – Restrictions – Data relating to gender identity – Data incorrect from the time of inclusion in a public register – Means of proof – Administrative practice of requesting proof of gender reassignment surgery )

In Case C‑247/23 [Deldits], (1)

REQUEST for a preliminary ruling under Article 267 TFEU from the Fővárosi Törvényszék (Budapest High Court, Hungary), made by decision of 29 March 2023, received at the Court on 18 April 2023, in the proceedings

VP v Országos Idegenrendészeti Főigazgatóság