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Russia court announces ‘LGTBQA+ propaganda’ case against bookstore

Russia court announces ‘LGTBQA+ propaganda’ case against bookstore

A Saint Petersburg court announced a case Tuesday against the bookstore “Подписные издания” (Subscription Publications) on charges of “LGBTQA+ propaganda.” No information is available yet regarding the reasons for the charges.

On its website, the bookstore shares that it has been open since 1926, with photos that capture the involvement of the store  with the people of the cultural capital of Russia. Besides selling books, the bookstore has two cafes and a stationery line, hosts events, manages a children’s literature club, produces lists of children’s books and a literary journal, and publishes novels.

The bookstore was already fined 800,000 rubles (approximately $10,000) in May under the “LGBTQA+ propaganda” charges for selling books authored by Susan Sontag, known to defend women’s rights, journalists Valery Panyushkin and Sergey Parkhomenko, who are identified as “foreign agents,” and more. The court also demanded the removal of the aforementioned literature.

The charge of “LGBTQA+ propaganda” against the bookstore is the latest issue in the journal of human rights violations under Putin’s regime. After labeling the LGBTQA+ movement as “extremist” in 2023, the government dedicated a huge amount of resources to punishing anything that resembled it. Companies like Apple have been fined several times for failing to remove undesired content. Bookstores and publishers have been targets of searches, detention, and fines. LGBTQA+ activists have been fined for social media promotions, with at least one sentence being issued for “LGBTQA+ propaganda.” Fines are also given out for messages in Telegram chats, with some people even being detained for posts in Russian social media VKontakte.

On Wednesday, a woman in illegally annexed Crimea was fined 100,000 rubles (approximately $1300) under “LGBTQA+ propaganda” charges for a meme showing men in wedding dresses. The meme depicted men who say “let’s split the bill,” “I waited for you to make a first move,” “why should I be the one to invite [a girl] on a first day?,” and “prove to and show me that you need me” as men in wedding dresses, establishing a connection between the phrases and self emasculation.

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Hong Kong government proposes to legally recognize same-sex couples registered abroad

Hong Kong government proposes to legally recognize same-sex couples registered abroad

On Wednesday, the Hong Kong government released an official document that proposes to establish a registration system for same-sex couples who were married or whose marriages are registered overseas.

This document, released by the Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, mandates that both partners must be of the same sex and at least 18 years old. Further, one of them must be a Hong Kong resident. Such a framework, if implemented, would confer certain important rights upon same-sex couples. These include rights related to the health of their partner, such as hospital visits, access to medical information and organ donations, as well as the right to handle a partner’s post-death affairs, like applying for a death certificate, claiming the body and arranging funeral matters.

Commenting on this proposed framework, the Bureau stated, “It is essential to establish appropriate registration requirements under an alternative framework that aligns with practical realities and public expectations, while safeguarding registrants’ rights and preventing abuse.” 

Importantly, this government proposal comes on the back of a crucial ruling given by the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal in September 2023, in the case of Sham Tsz Kit v. Secretary for Justice. Herein, the Court held that Article 14 of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights obligates the government to create a legal framework to recognize the rights of same sex couples, with a timeline of two years. However, it stopped short of deciding that there is a constitutional right to same-sex marriage. 

Since this ruling, human rights groups as well as the UN have called upon the government of Hong Kong to take legislative steps in furtherance of the court’s decision. The Court of Final Appeal itself has also gone ahead to affirm the rights of same-sex couples to public housing and inheritance.

Hong Kong remains one of the few places in Asia to have created a legal framework for same-sex couples, along with other countries like Thailand, Japan and South Korea. Countries in other parts of the world, such as Poland have also recently moved to give legal support to same-sex unions.

This proposal is the first of such steps taken pursuant to the Court’s ruling, and will be discussed in the legislative council of Hong Kong on Thursday.

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Legal proceeding initiated against Russia activist amid LGBTQA+ crackdown

Legal proceeding initiated against Russia activist amid LGBTQA+ crackdown

The Investigative Committee of Yaroslavl Oblast initiated a criminal proceeding on Thursday against Russian LGBTQA+ activist Yaroslav Sirotkin on the charges of participation in an “extremist organization,” according to local media.

According to the investigation, Sirotkin posted 14 social media posts and videos that included “propaganda of non-traditional sexual relationships” between December 2023 and January 2024. The LGBTQA+ movement is identified as extremist and has been banned in Russia since 2023.

Sirotkin, who is considered to be a “foreign agent” by the government, left Russia in 2022. After arriving in Armenia, he opened a shelter for LGBTQ+ refugees from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus with another activist, Alexander Derrek. In 2024, Sirotkin was placed on a wanted list by Russian authorities.

Legal actions against Sirotkin are part of the larger anti-LGBTQA+ crackdown in Russia affecting both individuals and companies. In February, for instance, online platform Wattpad was fined 3.5 million rubles (approximately $44,000) for not deleting an LGBTQA+ novel. In May, an activist was also fined 2000 rubles (approximately $25) for a Pink Floyd emoji in her Telegram name.

In 2024, the fines for “propaganda of LGBTQA+ movement” totaled 25 million rubles (approximately $314,000): 71 citizens of Russia and other states and 20 judicial persons were fined, and at least four foreign nationals were deported. Recent LGBTQA+ activists affected are Nikolai Rodkin, against whom a similar proceeding of participating in an “extremist organization” was initiated, and Alexandra Kazantseva, who was placed on a wanted list in March.

In February, the first known sentence for LGBTQA+ involvement was issued when an imprisoned man was given a six-year extension on his sentence for “involving other prisoners in the LGBTQA+ movement.”

Some of the legal actions of the Russian government are countered by international bodies. In February, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) found that Russia violated Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which protects the right to expression, by blocking and fining LGBTQA+ activists. The court ordered financial compensation.

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EU official condemns Hungary’s restrictions on LGBTQ+ content

EU official condemns Hungary’s restrictions on LGBTQ+ content

The advocate general of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) said Hungary infringed European law by restricting access to LGBTQ+ content in an advisory opinion published Thursday.

Tamara Ćapeta stated that Hungary has deviated from the EU’s values and recommended the CJEU find that the nation infringed Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union (TEU):

The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values are common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail.

In 2021, the Hungarian government introduced legislative amendments that prohibited and restricted LGBTQ+ content that “portrays or promotes gender identities that do not correspond to the sex assigned at birth, sex reassignment or homosexuality.” The European Commission — the main executive body of the European Union (EU) — responded by bringing an infringement action against the country and requested the CJEU to announce the violation. The Hungarian government titled the legislative action “Act LXXIX (79) of 2021: adopting stricter measures against persons convicted of paedophilia and amending certain laws for the protection of children.”

Hungary’s amendments restrict the freedom to provide and receive services, which are granted through the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Articles 49 through 55 establish the right of establishment; Articles 56 to 62 establish the right to services. The amendments also allegedly breach EU directives on electronic commerce, services, audiovisual media and data protection.

Hungary was additionally said to have infringed Articles 1, 7, 11 and 21 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFR). Allegations include infringement on the freedom of expression, freedom of information, the right to privacy and family life, the right to human dignity and the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of sex and sexual orientation. Ćapeta said that Hungary’s laws “are based on a value judgment that homosexual and non-cisgender life is not of equal value or status as heterosexual and cisgender life.”

Article 253 of the TFEU mandates that advocate generals “assist” the CJEU, directing them to act with “impartiality and independence.” However, their opinions are not legally binding.

In May, EU member states signed and published a declaration condemning Hungary’s crack down on the rights of LGBTQ+ people. On June 1, Budapest police justified banning a march through the strict laws, claiming the assembly resembled “Budapest Pride.”

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Hungary supreme court rules police ban of pride march unlawful

Hungary supreme court rules police ban of pride march unlawful

The Hungarian Supreme Court ruled on Saturday that a police ban on the annual Budapest Pride march is unlawful since there was no legitimate goal behind the ban on the march.

The state, the defendants in this case, relied on a recent amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary to support their position to ban the Pride march. The defendants argued that the objective behind the ban was to protect children, echoing one of the provisions in the amendment that states all other interests and laws can be overruled in the name of protecting children. However, the court held that no evidence banning the Pride parade would protect children. Similar demonstrations had been allowed to take place in the past few weeks without police bans or interference, and it was not evident to the court how the Pride parade in particular endangered the safety of children. The case will not be referred to the European Court of Justice since the court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs.

The controversial amendment was passed in mid-April of this year, effectively banning LGBTQ+ public events. The amendment to the law also denies gender identity, stating that sex changes are not recognized in Hungary to protect the stability of the family and to create an environment that is protective of children’s development.

In late March, thousands of people protested in Budapest against the amendment, but after its proposal by the national-conservative political party, Fidesz, it made its way to being passed.

Hungary’s anti-LGBTQ+ laws have also been at issue with the EU. As of last week, 20 of the EU’s 27 member states issued a joint declaration accusing Hungary of violating the EU’s fundamental values through these laws and policies. Furthermore, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Fidesz have been the subject of debate in the EU for allegedly violating the rule of law and the EU’s fundamental values.

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Colombia urged to close gap between LGBT rights laws and lived realities amid rising violence

Colombia urged to close gap between LGBT rights laws and lived realities amid rising violence

While Colombia has made notable progress in protecting the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and gender-diverse (LGBT) individuals, the country must urgently address widespread discrimination and violence still faced by these communities, a UN human rights expert has warned Friday.

The UN Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, Graeme Reid, concluded a fact-finding mission across multiple Colombian cities. In his statement, Reid praised the government’s commitment to equality and its legal reforms, but emphasized the stark disconnect between institutional progress and the daily lived experiences of LGBT individuals.

“Despite these positive developments, many LGBT people continue to experience discrimination and violence in their daily lives,” Reid said. “This is particularly acute for trans women and for those who face intersecting forms of marginalization as migrants, Indigenous persons, youth, or persons with disabilities.”

Reid’s visit comes at a time when other international bodies are raising serious concerns about the broader human rights situation in Colombia. A recent report from the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances revealed that enforced disappearances remain a systemic issue—especially in regions under the control of illegal armed groups—often affecting migrants, activists, and community leaders, including LGBT advocates.

Similarly, a November 2024 report by ABColombia and Colombian grassroots organizations shed light on the disproportionate violence faced by women, girls, and the LGBTQI+ community. The report highlighted how decades of conflict have embedded gender-based violence into everyday life, with Afro-Colombian and Indigenous women particularly affected. It noted the use of extreme cruelty in attacks on LGBT individuals and the alarming number of women human rights defenders killed in recent years.

“Violence against those who stand up for equality—including LGBT advocates—is not only a tragedy but a significant barrier to progress,” Reid said. He underscored the importance of comprehensive data collection, civil society collaboration, and policies that go beyond legislation to address structural inequality and social stigma.

Reid’s full findings will be presented to the UN Human Rights Council in June 2026.

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Advocacy group says major social media platforms failing LGBTQ+ users

Advocacy group says major social media platforms failing LGBTQ+ users

Major social media platforms, including TikTok, Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter), are failing to adequately protect LGBTQ+ users from hate, harassment, and disinformation, according to the 2025 Social Media Safety Index released Tuesday by the LGBTQ+ advocacy group GLAAD.

The annual report’s fifth edition, which evaluates the performance of major platforms on 14 LGBTQ-specific safety indicators and remains the most comprehensive benchmark of LGBTQ+ safety across major digital platforms, warns that platforms are not only neglecting their responsibilities but, in some cases, have actively weakened existing safety protocols. GLAAD specifically cited Meta’s Instagram and Facebook, YouTube, and X for draconian policy reversals that enable the spread of anti-LGBTQ rhetoric and contribute to real-world harms.

In the report’s foreword, GLAAD president Sarah Kate Ellis said: “In many cases, platforms are inviting harm … They are prioritizing engagement and controversy over safety, especially for trans and nonbinary communities.”

TikTok received the highest score among evaluated platforms but still failed to provide full transparency or robust user control regarding LGBTQ content and privacy. X received the lowest score (just 30 out of 100) due to its reliance on self-reporting, limited policy enforcement, and lack of workforce diversity disclosures.

GLAAD emphasized that several companies rolled back policies that once protected LGBTQ+ users from targeted misgendering, deadnaming, and “conversion therapy” content. Meta, in particular, updated its “Hateful Conduct” policy to allow harmful rhetoric under the guise of political or religious expression, a move GLAAD condemned as “dangerous and dehumanizing.” YouTube also quietly removed “gender identity and expression” from its hate speech policy without public explanation.

The report underscored how such policy changes correlate with a documented rise in online hate and disinformation targeting LGBTQ+ individuals. GLAAD warned that these trends often lead to “offline consequences,” including violence and mental health impacts for marginalized users. The Index further found that legitimate LGBTQ+ content continues to be disproportionately suppressed through wrongful account removals, demonetization, and shadow-banning.

In response, GLAAD urged tech companies to restore and strengthen LGBTQ safety policies, improve moderator training across all languages and cultural contexts, and publish detailed enforcement and diversity data. The organization also called for collaboration with independent researchers to enhance transparency and accountability.

“Social media should be a space for connection and community, not a driver of discrimination,” Ellis said. “Platforms must act now to reverse course and prioritize the dignity, safety, and rights of LGBTQ people.”

With mounting attacks on LGBTQ+ human rights across the world, the LGBTQ+ community remains vulnerable. In April, Hungary’s National Assembly passed an amendment to the Fundamental Law of Hungary that bans LGBTQ+ public events. In February, Amnesty International denounced Tunisian authorities’ increased arrests of LGBTI individuals. The organization reported that at least 84 individuals, mostly gay men and transgender women, have been arrested since September 2024.

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English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

English Football Association bans transgender athletes from women’s football

The English Football Association on Thursday stated that transgender women will no longer be allowed to play women’s football in England, announcing a change in its policy following a ruling by the UK Supreme Court last month.

The Football Association’s new policy will take effect on June 1. The association stated: “This is a complex subject, and our position has always been that if there was a material change in law, science, or the operation of the policy in grassroots football then we would review it and change it if necessary.”

The policy update is a response to the UK Supreme Court’s ruling on April 16, 2025, which stated that the term “woman” under the Equality Act 2010 referred to biological sex. This excludes individuals who had legally changed their gender to female through a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). Transgender people remain protected on the grounds of gender reassignment under Section 4 of the Equality Act. Additionally, they may invoke the provisions on direct discrimination and harassment as well as indirect discrimination. The court stated that “a certificated sex reading is not required to give them those protections.”

The Supreme Court emphasized that the ruling was only interpreting the Equality Act, stating:

It is not the role of the court to adjudicate on the arguments in the public domain on the meaning of gender or sex, nor is it to define the meaning of the word “woman” other than when it is used in the provisions of the EA 2010. It has a more limited role which does not involve making policy.

The UK’s Sports Councils previously expressed concerns over the fairness of transgender inclusion in domestic sport. Other sporting organizations, such as British Rowing, had already excluded transgender athletes from competing in the women’s category before the Supreme Court’s ruling.

The charity Stonewall criticized the Football Association’s decision on Thursday. The organization stated:

Trans people remain protected under the law and need to be treated with dignity and respect – and this announcement lacks any detail on how those obligations will be honoured. Hasty decisions, without a full understanding of the practical implications and before any changes to guidance have gone through the necessary consultation and parliamentary process, isn’t the answer.

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Article by Fulvia Ristuccia: (de) la Tour fait le cavalier [Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki]

Article by Fulvia Ristuccia: (de) la Tour fait le cavalier [Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki]

On 3 April 2025, Advocate General de la Tour handed down his Opinion in C-713/23, Wojewoda Mazowiecki, a case that further advances the path opened by Coman on the protection of rainbow families through the exercise of free movement and EU citizenship rights. The referring court demanded clarification on the recognition and transcription of same-sex marriage contracted in another Member State between two nationals of the State where recognition was sought.

The Opinion of AG de la Tour commendably advances the Coman trajectory by acknowledging that even EU Member States where same-sex marriage is not permitted must recognise a family bond lawfully established in another Member State – including for purposes beyond mere residence. Yet, akin to a knight’s leap in chess, the Opinion sidestepped the question of marriage transcription in civil status registry with a reasoning that does not seem entirely convincing. It insulates the national competence on civil status register from the reach of EU law, without a sound explanation, and is liable to create hurdles for LGBTIQA+ families seeking recognition.

Recognition of LGBTIQA+ rights beyond the right to move and reside

With Coman in 2018, the Court defined the term “spouse” in Article 2(2)(a) CRD as encompassing also same-sex married couples (Coman, para 35). Under that provision, the same-sex spouse of a Union citizen, lawfully married during genuine residence in another Member State, has a right to reside irrespective of whether the State of residence recognises same-sex marriage (Coman, para 36).

Coman constituted a first – crucial – step in the protection of LGBTIQA+ family rights through EU citizenship. Yet, as the Court stressed that the recognition of same-sex marriage is limited to the right to reside (Coman, para 40), it left many questions unanswered regarding the families’ rights for purposes beyond free movement (Tryfonidou and the Opinion of de la Tour himself in Mirin, para 96). The case Wojewoda Mazowiecki aimed at confronting the CJEU precisely with those issues.

Facts

Polish civil status authorities refused to transcribe the marriage certificate for a same-sex couple of Polish nationals (one of whom also with German nationality) married in Germany and residing in Poland. Since Polish law does not allow same-sex marriage, one of the spouses would be wrongly recorded under the heading “woman”. Moreover, according to the Polish authorities, registering such a marriage would be “contrary to fundamental principles of the Polish legal order”. Finally, in their view, refusal to register the marriage would not conflict with EU law, as the recognition was not being requested for the purposes of residence or passport issuance.

The referring court (the Polish Supreme Administrative Court), on appeal, asked the CJEU whether EU law (in particular Art. 20 and 21 TFEU, and Art. 7 and 21 EU Charter, and 2(2) CRD) preclude a Member State from refusing to recognize the marriage and transcribe it into the civil status registry, thus preventing the applicants from living under their marital status in their State.

The Opinion of AG de la Tour: one step ahead

The AG separated from the outset the question of recognition of the marriage from that of its transcription. Regarding the former, whilst Member States retain their competence on civil status, they have to exercise it in compliance with EU law and recognise the change of status legitimately occurred in the exercise of free movement under Article 21 TFEU (para 27).

The AG started by distinguishing the recognition of family ties (inter-personal status) from personal status (paras 28-30). Amendments to the latter, such as recognition of gender transition, must be transcribed in civil status records (Mirin para 57). Conversely, following Coman on same-sex marriage and Pancharevo on same-sex parenthood, Member States are required to recognise changes in inter-personal status, but only for purposes related to movement, residence, or the issuance of travel documents.

Going beyond the reasoning in those cases, the AG held that in situations falling within the scope of EU law – because the applicants exercised their right to free movement and lawfully got married in another Member State – the refusal to recognise that marriage constitutes a restriction to the rights under Article 21 TFEU (para 32). As in Coman, the applicants were invoking rights against their State of nationality in a circular migration context. However, unlike Coman, the issue at hand did not concern the definition of the term spouse and the residence right under the CRD applied by analogy, even though the CRD was referenced in the preliminary question. In fact, recognition of the marriage was not necessary for the right to reside since both applicants were Polish nationals. Rather, the question was whether a family bond, once lawfully established in another Member State, must be recognised and protected throughout the EU. The main concern, therefore, revolved around the right to return – based solely on Article 21 TFEU. For this right to be effective, it must include the ability to return to one’s Member State of origin after having genuinely exercised free movement (a point not addressed by the AG), and to live there with one’s family status fully recognised and protected.

Despite being anchored in Article 21 TFEU, the core of the case arguably lies in the effective safeguard of the right to family life under Article 7 EU Charter (para 33), extending beyond a free-movement-only solution, as the recognition of the effects of the marriage is not limited to residence or the issuance of travel documents. Commendably, the AG examined the potential violation of fundamental rights – more thoroughly than the free movement aspects – focusing on the lack of any form of legal recognition for same-sex families. This echoes the ECtHR’s ruling in Przybyszewska and Others v. Poland (para 35), where such non-recognition was deemed incompatible with the Convention.

Consequently, the AG concluded that where a Member State does not provide a specific legal framework for rainbow families – thereby denying individuals the right to autonomously determine a fundamental aspect of their private and family life – it must, under EU law, at least “establish appropriate procedures for the recognition of ties established in another Member State” through the exercise of free movement (para 36). Remarkably, mutual recognition seems to compensate for the absence of domestic protection or even the explicit prohibition of same-sex marriage. This suggests that Treaty rights may chart an alternative route to safeguard the fundamental rights of rainbow families when national avenues are barred (see, on Coman, Belavusau). Moreover, in line with Coman, such an obligation does not violate the national identity of the Member State (para 36), and it is submitted that it offers a balanced solution: fundamental rights are protected through EU citizenship without requiring the Member State to provide for same-sex marriage domestically.

Two steps sideways

On the transcription of marriage in civil status records, Wojewoda Mazowiecki seems to serve as a test case for the evolution witnessed in Mirin, where the Court held that Member States have a strict duty of mutual recognition and transcription in civil status records of a gender transition recognised in another Member State. The AG acknowledged the obligations stemming from that case but distinguished the transcription of changes to personal status (e.g., gender identity or name) from those regarding inter-personal status (e.g., marriage, parenthood). Regarding family ties, de la Tour followed the stance he had anticipated in Mirin: the transcription of changes to inter-personal status does not ensue automatically from the obligation of mutual recognition (Mirin, Opinion, paras. 87 and ff.).

This conclusion takes two steps sideways from the first part of the Opinion. First, it distinguishes between the recognition of the effects of a marriage and the obligation to transcribe it – the latter applying only to matters of personal identity, and not to inter-personal statuses (para 38). Second, the AG asserted that transcription is not required unless the recognition of the marriage’s effects would be ineffective without it. In Poland, the administrative practice is such that transcription is the only way of proving a marriage. Hence, to guarantee the effective enjoyment of the right to family life without undue administrative obstacles, Polish authorities must transcribe the marriage (para 45). However, this obligation does not apply to all Member States, provided that they foresee alternative mechanisms to secure the rights under Article 7 EU Charter and that the “formality” of transcription is not necessary for the marriage to be proven and produce legal effects (para 46).

This turn in the reasoning is not persuasive for several reasons. The distinction between the transcription of changes to personal identity and those relating to family status is difficult to sustain. In both cases, “serious inconveniences” may arise. Family ties are inherently linked to “the personal and the social identity of the applicants as homosexual people wishing to have their relationships as couples legitimised and protected by law” (para 35, referring to ECtHR case law on the lack of legal recognition of same-sex couples).

Moreover, the Opinion insufficiently explains the reasons for the strong insulation of national competence over the transcription of civil status – which the Opinion itself describes as a “formality” – in contrast to the recognition, prescribed by EU law, of the substantive effects of the same-sex marriage. While the AG read the scope of Member States’ obligations through the lens of their administrative procedural autonomy, he failed to acknowledge the unconvincing practical consequences of recognition without transcription. How would that work in practice? The alternatives proposed (para 54) – i.e. presenting the marriage certificate, which does not require legalisation, or allowing the spouses to use the same surname – are not as effective as transcription. Would individuals be expected to carry their marriage certificate – duly translated, one might imagine – in their wallet at all times? De la Tour overlooked the hurdles that the lack of transcription of inter-personal status would cause in the daily life of individuals, as well as in the exercise of their (fundamental) rights as a family.

Even considering the division of competences between the EU and the Member States, this part of the reasoning remains doubtful. Noting that the applicants sought recognition of their marriage to exercise domestic rights (para 43), the AG highlighted that civil status records fall within national “exclusive competence”. However, the recognition of the legal effects of marriage does not fall within the scope of EU competences either, and still, Member States must exercise their retained competences in compliance with EU law, and, as the AG held, recognise the same-sex marriage lawfully contracted in another Member State – beyond free movement purposes. Accordingly, it is unclear why transcription should be treated any differently?

The Opinion does not convincingly justify this differentiation, which creates significant obstacles to the effectiveness of EU citizens’ rights. In the AG’s view, a general obligation to transcribe the marital status would “move from an approach based on the principle of free movement of a Union citizen that is limited to his or her identity, to an approach based solely on the right to respect for his or her family life”, which would be “incorporated into the right of free movement and residence and would be detached from any derived right” (para 57). However, as the Court repeatedly stated, in the exercise of free movement, EU citizens have a right to lead a normal family life (Lounes, para 52 and Lazzerini). Accordingly, that right is already “incorporated” into free movement law. Leaving Member States a margin to decide which degree of administrative burden can they impose on LGBTIQA+ families seems like an unnecessary formal compensation for the substantive obligation to recognise the marriage.

The AG laudably relied on Member States’ international commitments under the ECHR to reinforce EU Charter rights that touch upon politically sensitive areas (Spaventa). Nevertheless, the fact that transcription falls within the States’ margin of appreciation under the Convention – and is therefore not mandated by the latter (paras 51-52) – is of limited relevance. Under Article 52(3) EU Charter, EU law can go beyond the ECHR protection (compare to para 53). Furthermore, the margin of appreciation doctrine, as developed by the ECtHR, is not entirely congruent in this context. Unlike Orlandi v Italy, the issue at hand is not about the duty to enact domestic reforms to introduce a legal framework on same-sex marriage or partnership. Rather, the present situation concerns the obligation to recognise a family bond lawfully established in another Member State and ease the administrative burdens to ensure effective protection of the applicants’ rights, particularly non-discrimination and respect for family life (on the different nature of those obligations, see Nic Shuibhne and Bacic). Such a duty is grounded in EU citizenship and the logic of mutual recognition, which may simultaneously require more – such as recognition and transcription – and less – by not imposing domestic reforms – than what is demanded under the ECHR.

Conclusion

Overall, the Opinion seeks to find a balance between the different interests at stake: the fundamental rights of the applicants – and of the many families in similar circumstances – the politically sensitive concerns of certain Member States, and, ultimately, the division of competences between the EU and its Member States. Despite taking a step ahead in a fundamental-rights-oriented direction regarding the recognition of same-sex marriage beyond the free movement purposes, de la Tour chose a rather cautious and unconvincing approach to transcription. By holding that the latter is not required under EU law unless recognition would be ineffective without it, the AG shifted laterally, evading challenging questions with significant practical and fundamental rights implications for individuals.

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US Federal judge blocks key parts of Trump’s anti-DEI orders

US Federal judge blocks key parts of Trump’s anti-DEI orders

A judge for the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois on Tuesday issued a preliminary injunction preventing the US Department of Labor from requiring government contractors and federal grant recipients to certify that they do not operate any diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs that violate any federal anti-discrimination laws.

Executive Order 14151, the termination provision, orders applicable federal agencies to terminate all “equity action plans,” “equity” actions, initiatives, or programs, “equity-related” grants or contracts, and all DEI performance requirements for employees, contractors or grantees. Executive Order 14173—the certification provision—mandates that recipients of federal grants validate that they are not conducting any DEI initiatives in violation of federal anti-discrimination laws.

The preliminary injunction comes after the non-profit organization Chicago Women in Trades (CWIT) filed a complaint challenging the executive orders. In 2024, CWIT received federal money from the Women in Apprenticeship and Nontraditional Occupations (WANTO) program, which works to increase women’s participation in apprenticeship programs and nontraditional occupations such as trades, construction, project management, and cybersecurity. After Trump’s executive orders, CWIT stood to lose thousands of dollars in federal funding, hindering its efforts to increase the representation of marginalized women in key fields. Approximately 70 percent of CWIT’s participants are Black and Latina women.

In the preliminary injunction, Judge Matthew Kennelly held that CWIT would likely prevail on its First Amendment challenge to the certification provision. CWIT argued that the anti-DEI executive orders impose restrictions that are “overbroad” and “impossibly vague” and that “condition CWIT’s receipt of federal funding upon the stifling of CWIT’s protected speech.” Additionally, Kennelly found that CWIT was likely to succeed on the merits of its claim that the termination provision violates the separation of powers. The US Constitution does not permit any executive branch official to unilaterally terminate federal grants and contracts without express statutory authority from Congress. The preliminary injunction is narrow in scope and applies only to the US Department of Labor, not to all federal agencies.

Just a few weeks ago, the US Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit upheld the government’s request to stay a nationwide preliminary injunction that blocked enforcement of the same contested elements of the two executive orders.

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